--- Page 1 --- MATTHEW J. SMITH Red & Black in Haiti RADICALISM, CONFLICT, AND POLITICAL CHANGE 1934-1957 --- Page 2 --- Red & Black in Haiti --- Page 3 --- This page intentionally left blank --- Page 4 --- MATTHEW J. SMITH Red & Black in Haiti RADICALISM, CONFLICT, AND POLITICAL CHANGE, 1934-1957 Océan Ile dela Allantigue Tontue - / Monte cristi Haiti o à S:Domingue E - - > Azua Tuiillo port PrINCE aU LPS cayes WA Mer Des Antilles The University of North Carolina Press Chapel Hill --- Page 5 --- 2009 THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS ALL RIGHTS RESERVED MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Designed by Michelle Coppedge Set in Whitman by Keystone Typesetting, Inc. Part of this book has been reprinted with permission in revised form from "Vive 1804!: The Haitian Revolution and the Revolutionary Generation of 1946," Caribbean Quarterly 50, no. 4 (December 2004): 25-41. The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. The University of North Carolina Press has been a member of the Green Press Initiative since 2003. Library of Congress Caxalgingin-Pubication Data Smith, Matthew J., Ph.D. Red and black in Haiti : radicalism, conflict, and political change, 1934 - 1957 / Matthew J. Smith. 1st ed. P. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8078-3265-3 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-8078-5 5937-7 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Haiti-Politics and government 1934-1971. 2. CommunismHaiti-History-aoth century. 3. Black nationalism-Haiti-History2th century. 4. Radicalism-Haiti-History-2 2oth century. I. Title. F1927.S656 2009 972.94'06-dcz2 2008047298 cloth 13 12 11 10 09 5 4 3 2 1 paper 13 12 11 10 09 5 4 3 2 1 --- Page 6 --- For Haiti --- Page 7 --- This page intentionally left blank --- Page 8 --- CONTENTS Acknowledgments ix Abbreviations xi Introduction 1 CHAPTER 1 The Postoccupation Dilemma: Ideology and Contention in the Vincent Years, 1934-1941 13 CHAPTER 2 Brown Power, Black Protest: The Lescot Regime and the Culture of Resistance, 1941-1945 39 CHAPTER 3 The Haitian Revolution of 1946 71 CHAPTER 4 Now Both Sides ofthe Hand Have a Chance: Noirisme and Opposition under Estimé, 1946-1950 103 CHAPTER 5 Blacks without Color: Military Rule and Radicalism in Transition, 1950-1957 149 Conclusion 187 Notes 197 Bibliography 243 Index 261 1941 13 CHAPTER 2 Brown Power, Black Protest: The Lescot Regime and the Culture of Resistance, 1941-1945 39 CHAPTER 3 The Haitian Revolution of 1946 71 CHAPTER 4 Now Both Sides ofthe Hand Have a Chance: Noirisme and Opposition under Estimé, 1946-1950 103 CHAPTER 5 Blacks without Color: Military Rule and Radicalism in Transition, 1950-1957 149 Conclusion 187 Notes 197 Bibliography 243 Index 261 --- Page 9 --- ILLUSTRATIONS lowered and the Haitian flag is raised at a ceremony at The last U.S. flag is 6 August 1934 10 the end of the U.S. occupation, Cap Haïtien marking Minister Élie Lescot, and members of President Sténio Vincent, Foreign Day, Command celebrate Haitian Independence the Garde d'Haiti High 1 January 1934 14 Max Hudicourt 18 Jacques Roumain 18 of Hispaniola made in November 1937 34 A Haitian-drawn map SHADA to Haitian peasant farmers, 1942 45 President Élie Lescot explains Daniel Fignolé 64 front of the National Palace during the January revolt, Crowds gather in 1946 79 celebrate Lescot's overthrow, 11 January 1946 81 Members of La Ruche of the first issue of Combat, organ of the Haitian Communist Masthead Party, 6 February 1946 84 Paul E. Franck Lavaud, and Antoine President Dumarsais Estimé, Magloire, Estimé's assumption of executive powers, Levelt at a ceremony marking 16 August 1946 111 addresses a crowd of supporters at Institut Mopique, Daniel Fignolé 1947 125 A Socialist Party meeting at party headquarters, 1947 131 leads the military parade at the Haitian Flag Day President Paul E. Magloire 18 May 1954 154 celebration at Champs de Mars, Port-au-Prince, and members of the army during the 1957 presidential François Duvalier campaign 184 é, Magloire, Estimé's assumption of executive powers, Levelt at a ceremony marking 16 August 1946 111 addresses a crowd of supporters at Institut Mopique, Daniel Fignolé 1947 125 A Socialist Party meeting at party headquarters, 1947 131 leads the military parade at the Haitian Flag Day President Paul E. Magloire 18 May 1954 154 celebration at Champs de Mars, Port-au-Prince, and members of the army during the 1957 presidential François Duvalier campaign 184 --- Page 10 --- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am grateful to the numerous individuals and course of many years assisted in the institutions that over the thanks are to the several completion of this book. My greatest testimonies people I interviewed for the book. shed light on areas only partially revealed Their oral I regret that some have not lived in the written sources. to see the final a hand in creating. I can product of a project they had only hope that I have done experiences and memories justice to the life they SO willingly shared. In the earliest stages of the project at the Geggus provided mentorship, University of Florida, David careful supervision, portant, a fine example of exemplary expertise, and, most imNeedell, Robert scholarship. Murdo Macleod, Zieger, Mark Thurner, and Gerald Jeffrey agement and helpful advice on the Murray offered encourMany of the preliminary draft of the manuscript. arguments contained in the pages that follow immensely from challenging discussions, benefited failing support of various scholars, insightful comments, and the unAmong those who warrant writers, activists, and thinkers of Haiti. special mention are mer, Alice Backer, Georges Léopold and Maxime Routhe book), Patrick Corvington (who graciously supplied images for Bellegarde-Smith, Carolle nell, Gage Averill, Pierre Buteau, Charles, Thomas Dudley FenDamien able primary documents), François (who also shared invaluBryant Freeman, Thor Ermitte St. Jacques, Georges Burnham, Roger Gaillard, Michel, Marie-José Turits, Gérard Pierre-Charles, Nzengou-Tayo, Richard taire, Danielle F. Millery Polyné, Chantalle Verna, Frantz VolBenjamin, and Ronald St. Jean. on advice from Michael Dash. Much Early I received crucial later, Michel Hector's findings and excitement for the subject critique of my of research. Several inspired me through the final people have commented on drafts stages in whole. I thank in particular of the book in part or John D. French, mous readers for insightful Roy Augier, and two anonycomments and useful comments and conversations have suggestions. While these politics and history, I alone must bear deepened my understanding of Haitian book may contain. I am also responsibility for whatever faults the Carolina grateful to the staff of the Press, especially Elaine Maisner University of North and Paula Wald for their guidance ix inspired me through the final people have commented on drafts stages in whole. I thank in particular of the book in part or John D. French, mous readers for insightful Roy Augier, and two anonycomments and useful comments and conversations have suggestions. While these politics and history, I alone must bear deepened my understanding of Haitian book may contain. I am also responsibility for whatever faults the Carolina grateful to the staff of the Press, especially Elaine Maisner University of North and Paula Wald for their guidance ix --- Page 11 --- thanks to Eric Schramm, whose and enthusiasm for the project. A special improved the and careful attention to details greatly expert copyediting quality of the book. the gracious for research and writing was made possible by Funding institutions. I thank the J. William Fulbright Foundaassistance of several Education; the University of Florida tion and the Institute of International and Institute; The of History; The Harry S. Truman Library A. Department Studies at the University of Florida for an Center for Latin American of Florida's College of Liberal Travel Grant; and the University Curtis Wilgus The book was Dissertation Fellowship. Arts and Sciences for a Threadgill Professor at the Center completed while I was an Andrew Mellon Visiting I thank the American and Caribbean Studies at Duke University. for Latin for a warm and stimucenter's staff and my colleagues in Durham providing and Arcolleagues in the Department of History lating environment. My of the West Indies, Mona, have my great apprechaeology at the University ciation for their continued support. research travel, assistance from these institutions made possible Financial by the librarians and of the services provided and I am most appreciative I would like to visits. In Port-au-Prince, archivists who assisted me during my Mme. G. Flauthank the staff of the Archives Nationales d'Haiti, especially Madame FranErnst Even of the Institut St. Louis de Gonzague, bert. Frère and the staff of the Bibliothèque National çoise Thybulle, Nadège Constant, debt of gratitude to the to assist. I owe a special d'Haîti were always ready Haïtienne des Peres du Saintlibrarians and directors of the Bibliothèque the odds to build and preserve an impresEsprit, who have labored against the Latin American colleccollection. In the United States, the staff of sive Richard Phillips and Paul Losch, tion at the University of Florida, particularly Duke. The staffs at the considerable assistance, as did Holly Ackerman at of gave Archives at College Park; the Manuscript Division United States National Harry S. Truman, and of the Franklin D. Roosevelt, the Library Congress; libraries; and the Moorland-Spingarn Dwight D. Eisenhower presidential help. At the Schomburg Collection at Howard University provided expert Library, André Research in Black Culture of the New York Public Center for that I otherwise might have overlooked. Elizée pointed me to useful sources financial support, acThe friends and family who provided hospitality, during my research trips have my graticommodation, and transportation and Gladys for more than I indebted to Johanne, Léo, tude. I am especially Samantha, and Xavier, have my family, Peter, Patsy, Iggy, can mention. My of understanding. deepest love and respect for their years patient X Acknouledgments Research in Black Culture of the New York Public Center for that I otherwise might have overlooked. Elizée pointed me to useful sources financial support, acThe friends and family who provided hospitality, during my research trips have my graticommodation, and transportation and Gladys for more than I indebted to Johanne, Léo, tude. I am especially Samantha, and Xavier, have my family, Peter, Patsy, Iggy, can mention. My of understanding. deepest love and respect for their years patient X Acknouledgments --- Page 12 --- ABBREVIATIONS The following abbreviations are used throughout the book. ADEM Association des Étudiants en Médicine, Pharmacie, et Art Dentaire CDN Comité de Défense Nationale CEG Conseil Exécutif Gouvernement CEM Comité Exécutif Militaire CMG Conseil Militaire de Gouvernement CPUSA Communist Party of the United States FDU Front Démocratique Unifié FHT Fédération Haïtienne des Travailleurs FRH Front Révolutionnaire Haitien FTH Fédération des Travailleurs Haîtien HASCO Haitian American Sugar ISI Import Substitution Company Industrialization JPDH Jeunesse Progressive d'Haïti JPP Jeunesse Progressiste de Port-au-Prince MOP Mouvement Ouvrier Paysan (1946-56); Mouvement Organisation du Pays (1956-57) NAACP National Association for the Advancement of PCH Parti Communiste Haîtien Colored People PDPJH Parti Démocratique Populaire de la PEP Parti d'Entente Jeunesse Haîtienne Populaire POPH Parti Ouvrier Progressiste Haïtien PPLN Parti Populaire de Libération Nationale PPN Parti Populaire Nationale PPSC Parti Populaire Social Chrétien PSH Parti Socialiste Haïtien PSP Parti Socialiste Populaire RD Réaction Démocratique SCISP Service Coopératif Inter-Américain de la Santé SHADA Société Hatiano-Américaine Publique de SOT Syndicats d'Ouvriers Développement Agricole et Travailleurs xi --- Page 13 --- This page intentionally left blank --- Page 14 --- Red & Black in Haiti --- Page 15 --- This page intentionally left blank --- Page 16 --- INTRODUCTION + The national colors shall be black and red. 1805 HAITIAN CONSTITUTION the republic of Haiti celebrated its 13oth n the first of January 1934, born from a nation. In a country anniversary as an independent color, and class embittered by a history of regional, slave revolt, for Haitians. Yet despite a divisions, New Year's Day holds great meaning to shield and several decades of attempts proud legacy of independence on the first of January their country from aggressive foreign penetration, free. At the central square most Haitians did not consider themselves Port-au-Prince, the United States' red, white, Champs de Mars, in the capital Caribbean's first sovereign flew high, a visual reminder that the and blue flag On the first of still in the throes of U.S. marine occupation. nation was Haiti resembled a colonized state. January 1934, independent this would change. After nearly two deIn a few months, however, all resistance, that witnessed popular and intellectual cades of U.S. occupation national discourse, the occupation reevaluation of Haitian and a vigorous thirty-four was, according to President was finally nearing its end. Nineteen the nation address, "the year of Sténio Vincent in his New Year's state of the "1 But if 1934 marked an end to struggle [Haiti's] Second Independence." and intense ideological and it was the beginning of a long for désoccupation, lead, in 1957, to one of the most political conflict that would ultimately the regime of Franthe Caribbean has ever experienced: brutal dictatorships of this conflict that is the subject of "Papa Doc" Duvalier. It is the story çois this book. eteen the nation address, "the year of Sténio Vincent in his New Year's state of the "1 But if 1934 marked an end to struggle [Haiti's] Second Independence." and intense ideological and it was the beginning of a long for désoccupation, lead, in 1957, to one of the most political conflict that would ultimately the regime of Franthe Caribbean has ever experienced: brutal dictatorships of this conflict that is the subject of "Papa Doc" Duvalier. It is the story çois this book. movements in Haiti and their strugThis book is about radical political until the creation of the gles in the period following the U.S. occupation absence in the historiDuvalierist state. It seeks to remedy a significant of the postthe turbulent politics ography on modern Haiti by investigating presents The saga of the Haitian postoccupation occupation era, 1934-1957nation with profound historical case of a small Caribbean a fascinating confronting the challenges and connections with the rest of the Americas, --- Page 17 --- while in the swirl of World War II legacies of recent foreign control engulfed distinhistory of resistance and independence and the cold war. Haiti's long Yet from colonized Africa and its regional neighbors. guished the country which radicals with contrasting views of the postoccupation predicament, in fought for political space, radical nationalism, and Marxism black power, struggles elsewhere in the a situation not unlike the postcolonial suggests world later in the twentieth century. moment of experience was modern Haiti's greatest The postoccupation black consciousness and an intense crosspolitical promise. At its outset, change. for lasting political class nationalism produced a rare opportunity the the establishment of a popular labor movement; These years witnessed struggle; and a shift a bitter and vibrant ideological rise of political parties; nationalism, noirisme, that not brand of Haitian black toward an assertive but also prefigured similar deonly defined the future of Haitian politics, turning elsewhere in the Caribbean region. The postoccupation velopments of which sought to reverse the abuses point came with the revolution 1946, since laid by the dominant political classes independence, in Haitian politics rulers in the decade after 1934. However, the and continued by the country's created splintered and in its fragmentation revolutionary movement quickly political tensions in Haiti. the roots of contemporary and enduring shifts in Haitian Although these years involved dramatic understudied. At and social life, much of this history is remarkably political for this lacuna. First, the complicated political least two factors account has often discouraged that marked the epoch from 1934 to 1957 quite history of the period. Scholars who have scholars from engaging in serious study the of Haiti's political history often regard postconsidered the full span of turmoil no a continuation of a cyclical pattern occupation as merely recent upheavals. 2 Few contests or more different from nineteenth-century archival sources to unravel the knotted writers have attempted to search the the broader implicathreads of the chronology. Even fewer have explored of the movements of the era for the history tions of the various political region. Haiti continue to be fascinated Second, historians of twentieth-century with both the U.S. scholars from engaging in serious study the of Haiti's political history often regard postconsidered the full span of turmoil no a continuation of a cyclical pattern occupation as merely recent upheavals. 2 Few contests or more different from nineteenth-century archival sources to unravel the knotted writers have attempted to search the the broader implicathreads of the chronology. Even fewer have explored of the movements of the era for the history tions of the various political region. Haiti continue to be fascinated Second, historians of twentieth-century with both the U.S. occupation with the events, history, and issues associated sizable literature demonstrated in the and the Duvalierist state (1957-1986), have tended to Most scholars of Haitian politics generated on these periods. that form the the interregnum into one or two general chapters compress to studies of the occupation or Duvalier.3 postscript or prelude this book attempts a more significantly from these approaches, Departing 2 Introduction --- Page 18 --- of these overlooked years in Haitian history. It complete political study unused sources, interviews draws on extensive archival research, previously and a close reading of and cultural figures of the era, with various political literature to present a richer and accounts and the secondary contemporary political forces than is picture of the interplay among more complicated More specifically, the book explores suggested in the existing scholarship. from being a largely radicalism emerged the ways in which postoccupation a wider urban-based elite-led movement in the 1930S to become unified and 1950S that would draft the blueprint for popular movement in the 1940S these cultural and forms of social protest in Haiti. By exposing current their articulations among radical groups, this political complexities and the reasons for conflict and contributes to a broader discussion on study crisis in Haiti. the book traces the ideas, In reconstructing the postoccupation past, it of leading radicals. In SO doing, challenges activities, and organization during the period by emphasizassumptions of Haitian politics common interclass, and social conflicts among ing far-reaching ideological, regional, the connections becompeting for state control. It also emphasizes in the groups and similar movements elsewhere tween the Haitian experience broad context, and illuminatby placing Haitian radicalism within a region links that served to invigorate its resistance. ing important that various radical movements issued a powThe book's central thesis is and transformed its polittraditions erful challenge to the country's political as did the attitudes ical culture. This impact, however, changed over time, the result of of the radicals themselves. Often change was and struggles institutions fighting to preserve their pressure from the dominant social conflict that On the other hand, much of the political threatened hegemony. rivalries among radical groups marked the era emerged from internecine for the same goals. As the following chapters that purported to be striving commitment in frequently overshadowed ideological reveal, contingency the formation of political allegiances. explain this hisdomestic rivalries alone cannot completely A focus on is that Haiti One of the crucial points this book stresses postoccupation tory. social, cultural, and diplomatic changes unfolded in the shadow of sweeping and prospects of affected the tone, nature, in the region, which significantly American and Caribbean counpolitical struggle. As with most other Latin the island. In anticommunism loomed large over tries, the specter of U.S. as the strong focus on Haiti, however, the problem was more complicated, often blurred in the and color consciousness by radicals was race, class, Introduction 3 is that Haiti One of the crucial points this book stresses postoccupation tory. social, cultural, and diplomatic changes unfolded in the shadow of sweeping and prospects of affected the tone, nature, in the region, which significantly American and Caribbean counpolitical struggle. As with most other Latin the island. In anticommunism loomed large over tries, the specter of U.S. as the strong focus on Haiti, however, the problem was more complicated, often blurred in the and color consciousness by radicals was race, class, Introduction 3 --- Page 19 --- officials who were only too willing to label all opposition perceptions of U.S. affected the relationship be- "communist." This factor greatly movements The result was a divided opposition that tween the state and its opponents. violence in its campaign for employed over the two decades increasingly state power. Haitian Color Politics competition in Haiti, the roles In order to explain the nature of political considered. It is important and color play in Haitian life must be briefly race Since in 1804, race has long between the two. independence to distinguish of Haitian national identity. Haibeen intricately bound up in the concept place as the first of all social classes take great pride in their country's tians hemisphere. In Haiti, according to Gordon black republic in the western races, and superior cultures but not superior Lewis, "there are, certainly, but because culture exists not because of inherent superiority this "superior that racial problems do circumstances" >4 This is not to suggest of fortunate historical moments non-black groups, parnot exist in Haiti. At certain because of racial or ethnic Arab-Haitians, have been victimized ticularly social relations tend toward a division differences. In general, however, dark-skinned black majority. between an elite that is milats and black, and a history. In the immediate postindependence This cleavage has a long marked by a division color evolved in Haitian politics, years a bitter dynamic north and the milat-controlled between the predominantly black-controlled avoiding the middle of the nineteenth century, milat politicians south. By of by of social divisions cultivated an argument superiority the question by a greater degree of compeclaiming that their power was determined Edmond in Liberal Party ideologue tence. This sentiment was crystallized ? This dictum not only justified Paul's slogan "power for those most capable! order but also established a political milat elite control of the state apparatus 7 The Liberal ideas of which color and class would be closely intertwined. in collided with those of the National Party, which capability and competence black elite. The Nationalist clarion, "the was largely led by a powerful landed state control by for the greatest number," was used to justify greatest good the non-milat sectors. have drawn attention Haitian intellectuals since the nineteenth century they have infused political life,s It was, to these rivalries and the ways the issue into full the work of James Leyburn in 1941 that brought however, academic debate on color an for a larger view and provided opportunity 4 Introduction collided with those of the National Party, which capability and competence black elite. The Nationalist clarion, "the was largely led by a powerful landed state control by for the greatest number," was used to justify greatest good the non-milat sectors. have drawn attention Haitian intellectuals since the nineteenth century they have infused political life,s It was, to these rivalries and the ways the issue into full the work of James Leyburn in 1941 that brought however, academic debate on color an for a larger view and provided opportunity 4 Introduction --- Page 20 --- divisions. 9 In his classic study The Haitian divisions more closely resembled People, Leyburn argued that social the élite and the a caste system in which "the two castes are masses. They are as different as man from peasant; and day from night, as noblethey as separate as oil and water' P10 problems of applying a bipartite model of social The serious America and Caribbean division to the study of Latin societies are obvious. resulted in severe criticism and led him Leyburn's perspective also four to draw the years before the revolution of regrettable conclusion, say that there will be 1946, that "in the near future it is safe to no more black non-élite P11 rect in emphasizing the close presidents." Yet he was correlationship between David Nicholls, whose book class and color in Haiti. From Dessalines to Duvalier most influential work on the subject of is the leading and in Haiti, modified political ideology and social conflict Leyburn's thesis by stressing the black middle class, important role of the according to Nicholls, which tion and forms an intermediary emerged during the occupabetween the elite. In hist tour-de-force peasants and the light-skinned study, which is particularly historical influences on the black strong in examining the divisions supersede middle class, Nicholls argued that color virtually all other issues, class concluded that "divisions connected particularly interests, and pal reasons why Haiti has with colour have been one of the princifailed to maintain an A fundamental effective independence." 12 aspect of Nicholls's thesis is that the Haiti determines the political social polarization in political groups they form. Thus each elites of a similar class and color group supports tation that their group interests will background, largely on the expecfind such a division be secured. Although one can arguably operative in nineteenth-century quate explanation of politics, it is an inadeof twentieth-century political conflict. One of the shortcomings this perspective is its failure to major gruity between the stated properly explain the inconideological positions of certain particularly those based on color, and their actions political groups, To be sure, Nicholls concedes during moments of crisis. at various points that always reducible to color and that the political rivalries are not "color question" itself is preoccupation of elites with the majority of the largely the remains a central nation left out. Still, color problematic for Nicholls as it does for politics. Nicholls's work, analyses of Haitian the exceptional as it is, also offers little agency of non-elite actors in shaping the explanation of Michel-Rolph terms of political debate. 13 Trouillot has offered a these problems by thoughtful corrective to some of arguing that color has several It is misleading, he functions in Haitian argues, to view it as the basis of all society. order to understand its crucial role social divisions. In one must recognize that color assumes Introduction 5 for politics. Nicholls's work, analyses of Haitian the exceptional as it is, also offers little agency of non-elite actors in shaping the explanation of Michel-Rolph terms of political debate. 13 Trouillot has offered a these problems by thoughtful corrective to some of arguing that color has several It is misleading, he functions in Haitian argues, to view it as the basis of all society. order to understand its crucial role social divisions. In one must recognize that color assumes Introduction 5 --- Page 21 --- different meanings in cultural, social, and have shifted political arenas. These markedly since independence, much like meanings which has resulted in "darker and the "color line" itself, milat elite since the darker people" being included among the nineteenth century. 14 and practices that Haitian According to Trouillot, "beliefs urbanites refer to as the 'color operate in a social vacuum to the exclusion question' do not social categories of all else. Instead color-cumoperate in various spheres of urban life strategies of competition and struggle." >15 as part of different This is not to suggest that a focus on color cance in explaining Haiti's consciousness has little signifipolitical reality. Nicholls's issues are SO embedded in Haitian insistence that color politics, that even critics question" are forced to confront it is of "the color framework that focuses perceptive. Nevertheless, an analytical solely on color consciousness understanding of Haitian provides a limited movements politics generally and the of in particular. By history resistance to color, scholars have separating political actors in groups according obscured the fact that tests were guided by factors that quite often political conwent beyond obvious was especially pronounced in the color tensions. This rapid and serious postoccupation period, which witnessed rearrangements of the political order against the backdrop of a global locally and occurred analysis ideological battle. As the evidence presented in this book suggests, the and were not solely dominated by reactions of political actors motives related to color but grew out of responses to various more accurately frequent ideological and political dilemmas. If discussion of color differences the was often emerged at times of quite a surface problem. political crisis, it tion, Concerns over U.S. economic dictatorship, class issues, and, above penetratrol of the state were also all, a bitter competition for conimportant. The underlying weakness in arguments that most important is the implicit emphasize color divisions as suggestion that unaffected by the series of political ideology remained upheavals that characterized Haiti through the 1950S. One of the central in the 1930S radicalism in arguments this book advances is that postoccupation Haiti was much more than scholars have fractured and heterodox appreciated. Political the frequent references to color in allegiances among radicals, despite based on ideological political discourse, were not necessarily sympathies or color was consciousness. power quite often the central Access to state black objective. During the power in the Estimé height of Haitian ric years (1946-50), the dominant anti-milat supported by the regime was weakened by rhetonoiristes who imposed Estimé and political affiliations between conservative members of the 6 Introduction military who appreciated. Political the frequent references to color in allegiances among radicals, despite based on ideological political discourse, were not necessarily sympathies or color was consciousness. power quite often the central Access to state black objective. During the power in the Estimé height of Haitian ric years (1946-50), the dominant anti-milat supported by the regime was weakened by rhetonoiristes who imposed Estimé and political affiliations between conservative members of the 6 Introduction military who --- Page 22 --- him. It is this intense contest for political power that eventually overthrew during the mid-fifties, dashed the hopes of the radical movements not only with which Duvalier was able to marbut also partially explains the ease noiriste rival forces while maintaining a position shal support from political in 1957. alternative to the study of This book therefore presents an approach consciousness and Haiti that moves beyond analyses of color postoccupation to include a more rigorous examination Marxist class-based interpretations and the social contexts from of the period, the various political groups, which they emerged. Protest under the Occupation the period was in large measure The rise of radicalism in postoccupation The U.S. of various forms of resistance in the occupation years. an evolution for the development of a nationalist occupation provided ample inspiration for the collection of Launched in 1915 ostensibly movement in the country. five presidents in the previous loans and to restore civil order-there were occupation fast assassinated or forced out of office by coups-the four years U.S. control of the customs houses and exposed its imperialistic character. manifest in the reinstitution of the the institutional racism of the occupiers resiscorvée work system gave rise to popular slavish ninetenth-century movement of the cacos, led by tance. In 1919 a rural guerrilla peasant the marines and its principal Charlemagne Péralte, was violently quashed by forms of less direct protest leaders executed. 16 In Port-au-Prince, however, sentiment of nacontinued. Among the génération de l'occupation, a strong of the U.S. and elites, both black and milat, resentful tionalism emerged pursued other avenues of resistance. latepresence, in public education. The They were aided by developments Salomon (1879-88) created reforms of President Lysius nineteenth-century Haitians. For the first time, members of greater access to education for many school training that had non-elite black families were afforded secondary of of the light-skinned elite. The beneficiaries largely been the province of this in the twentieth Salomon's reforms ensured the continuity practice schools had the numbers of students enrolled in urban century. By 1919 figures." 17 To this must be added the more than doubled turn-of-the-century a small number of black centralization of the capital. Although increasing Port-au-Prince since independence, these two professionals had lived in the ranks. access for non-elites to professional changes guaranteed greater Introduction 7 of of the light-skinned elite. The beneficiaries largely been the province of this in the twentieth Salomon's reforms ensured the continuity practice schools had the numbers of students enrolled in urban century. By 1919 figures." 17 To this must be added the more than doubled turn-of-the-century a small number of black centralization of the capital. Although increasing Port-au-Prince since independence, these two professionals had lived in the ranks. access for non-elites to professional changes guaranteed greater Introduction 7 --- Page 23 --- with the creation of vocational schools. To maintain This was extended Haitian color policontrol oft these developments, the occupiers manipulated and members oft the bourgeoisie to high-ranking government tics appointing tense the social order in a city already swellarmy posts. Such a policy made of urbanization and increased professionalization. ing with the pressures were the activities of a new of the changes in this period Most significant who exploited the educational generation of writers, scholars, and poets elite. achieved places among the intellectual opportunities and prominent returned to Port-aumembers of the elite, milat and black, Several young where they were exposed to the Prince after years of study in Europe, with the consciousness and radical ideas. Concerned developments in black homeland under the repressive state of affairs they found in their occupied in black culture as and excited by current European interest Louis Borno, writers began to express their well as the Harlem Renaissance, these young they formed La and discussion groups. By 1925 views in several journals the turn-ofRonde, the principal aim of which was to resuscitate Nouvelle drawing attention to the literary innothe-century nationalist movement by them to the Haitian vations of Harlem and French writers and applying situation. 18 Nouvelle Ronde founded the most of the members of La In July 1927 the journal ran for only six months, it journal La Revue Indigène. Although Its colinfluential among the Haitian intelligentsia. proved extraordinarily Roumain, Normil Sylvain, laborators, who included Max Hudicourt, Jacques Holly, and Jean Emile Roumer, Étienne Charlier, Arthur J. C. Dorsainvil, that explicitly rejected French Price-Mars, called for a new national program stressed the acceptance of Haitian ones. They cultural values and promoted its inclusion in the of Haiti's African heritage and promoted the significance development of a uniquely Haitian literature. of Price-Mars's was solidified with the publication In 1928 this movement Taking peasant culture as his seminal Ainsi parla l'oncle (So Spoke the Uncle). with Haitian Price-Mars's book was one of the first to deal specifically focus, scientific manner. As he concluded, his vodou and religious customs in a into the disciHaitian thought work was an attempt "to integrate popular the elite for denigrating He chastised pline of traditional ethnography"ts scorn our ancestral culture and values. "Let us no longer Haitian peasant whole." "20 PriceLet us love it, let us consider it as an intangible heritage. much of the reality of peasant life and initiated Mars, to be sure, glossed over that would long continue in the of Haiti's African heritage al romanticization for cultural nationalism that was truly work of his heirs. Yet his call a 8 Introduction work was an attempt "to integrate popular the elite for denigrating He chastised pline of traditional ethnography"ts scorn our ancestral culture and values. "Let us no longer Haitian peasant whole." "20 PriceLet us love it, let us consider it as an intangible heritage. much of the reality of peasant life and initiated Mars, to be sure, glossed over that would long continue in the of Haiti's African heritage al romanticization for cultural nationalism that was truly work of his heirs. Yet his call a 8 Introduction --- Page 24 --- It is this factor, above all, that would inclusive was both original and potent. nationalists. of ardent most inspiring to a succeeding generation Indiprove nationalist writers associated with La Revue The loose coalition of remained unsatisfied with the Several of its members gène was ephemeral. review launched and yearned for more cultural war against the elite that the common enemy, the marines. Jacques active protest against the perceived incarcerated twice in 1928 for alleged Roumain, who at twenty-three was of the review was far too felt that the literary thrust seditious activity, Energized by the broad appeal of antiindirect to effect real political change. his consciousness in sentiment in the city, he began to express de occupation Georges Petit he formed the Ligue other ways. With the young journalist of which was Le Petit Impartial, a la Jeunesse Patriote Haïtienne, the organ than the that Petit had established in 1927. More political political paper the first organized attempts to movement, the Ligue was one of literary mobilize youth from diverse social backgrounds. reactivism against the occupation At the same time, militant political Haitian-U.S. strike at the agricultural emerged. At the end of 1929 a student urban strike. Anti-U.S. school in the town of Damien escalated into a large when marines fired into a demonstration attitudes were further heightened in the southern town of Marchaterre. of discontent peasants and with reactions against the occupaIn the aftermath of these incidents to Haiti in in the United States, Washington sent a commission tion growing of the and suggest a new policy. early 1930 to investigate the state occupation crowds carrying paper they traveled by large excited Greeted everywhere were asked bluntly by a Haitian flags of blue and red, the commissioners our "[When] will you give us back Haitian journalist in Port-au-Prince: U.S. President Following the Forbes commission's report, government2"2 withdrawal of U.S. presence in Haiti, Herbert Hoover decided on a gradual election of a new Haitian head of state. 23 and an for the advance of the nationalist moveThe significance of these events ushered in a wave of The election of 1930 ment is difficult to exaggerate. the arrival of Sténio Joseph Vinnationalism and resulted in revolutionary Vincent was a milat intellectual who grew up cent as Borno's successor. of others in his class. He demonstrated his without many of the privileges at He was with a law degree eighteen. intellectual capacity by graduating control was a sharp contrast whose challenge to U.S. also a liberal nationalist himself as of the previous two regimes. Positioning to the accommodation Vincent was keenly aware of he won much support. an ant-occupationist, retained backing throughout the first social tensions in Haiti and skillfully Introduction 9 resulted in revolutionary Vincent was a milat intellectual who grew up cent as Borno's successor. of others in his class. He demonstrated his without many of the privileges at He was with a law degree eighteen. intellectual capacity by graduating control was a sharp contrast whose challenge to U.S. also a liberal nationalist himself as of the previous two regimes. Positioning to the accommodation Vincent was keenly aware of he won much support. an ant-occupationist, retained backing throughout the first social tensions in Haiti and skillfully Introduction 9 --- Page 25 --- Haitian flag is raised (right) at a ceremony at is lowered (left) and the Courtesy of U.S. The last U.S. flag the end oft the U.S. occupation, 6 August 1934Cap Haîtien marking Collection. National Archives, USMC from both sides of the class officials half of his administration by appointing his promise of a nationalist governcolor divide.2 By the mid-thirties movement. 25 and by several members of the indigenous in 1934, ment was welcomed celebrated New Year's Day message Eleven months after his by holding a state funeral in the credentials Vincent validated his nationalist leader of the caco resistance, Charlecity of Cap Haîtien for the U.S. flag was lowered. In northern before, the last Péralte. In that city not long symbol of the nation's magne and red Haitian flag, the premier of the its place, the blue and hoisted in a dramatic celebration not independence, was unfurled of political theater could exit. As we shall see, such displays 1934 the stage was set marines' in the nationalist movement; by conceal the fissures for greater conflict. Outline ofthe. Book organized to chart the in this book are chronologically 1 examines in detail The chapters radicalism. Chapter gradual evolution of postoccupation 10 Introduction symbol of the nation's magne and red Haitian flag, the premier of the its place, the blue and hoisted in a dramatic celebration not independence, was unfurled of political theater could exit. As we shall see, such displays 1934 the stage was set marines' in the nationalist movement; by conceal the fissures for greater conflict. Outline ofthe. Book organized to chart the in this book are chronologically 1 examines in detail The chapters radicalism. Chapter gradual evolution of postoccupation 10 Introduction --- Page 26 --- of noirisme the nature of the Vincent regime and the competing ideologies of histories have treated the era as one quiesand Marxism. Where previous that political activthe of urban radicals, this chapter argues cence on part The chapter also discusses the changes in ism against Vincent was constant. Good Policy and the toward Haiti during the era oft the Neighbor U.S. policy of the the massacre of 1937. first political crisis period, with an examination of the Chapter 2 continues this political narrative rhetoric, Élie Lescot. Despite his nationalist regime of Vincent's successor, maneuvers, to permanently siLescot sought, through calculated political elite dominance of forces and consolidate light-skinned lence opposition importance was the regime's relationship the Haitian polity. Of significant U.S. foreign policy toward with the United States. During the Lescot years, the Roosevelt shifted once more as wartime demands propelled the country of rubber cultivation in Haiti. administration to embark on a program sustained ill-fated venture, the economic loss the country A costly and Lescot. The chapter treats these issues strengthened the opposition against forces and attention to the activities of the anti-Lescot and gives particular the popular classes. the development of black consciousness among movement of narrative account of the revolutionary Chapter 3 is a largely and a wealth of previously 1946. Relying on interviews with participants the chronology of the reunused archival material, this account untangles within the Haitian volt and sheds new light on the organization and debates the crucial from established analyses by emphasizing Left. It also departs the democratic struggle, and it role Marxism and labor played in shaping Estimé was a result common views that the election of Dumarsais challenges by uncovering the central influof the concerted effort of noiriste politicians the months to the of the United States and the military in prior ence election. examination of the Estimé years, the most Chapter 4 provides a detailed These of black charged period in the pre-Duvalier era. years politically for the politicians that took office in 1946 power provided new opportunities However, political rivalry and an agenda of black nationalism. to develop United States in local affairs overpowered increasing intervention of the treatment is given to the impact their economic and political plans. Special activities of the labor unions; of noirisme on the social life of the country; the factors that to the regime; and the various military and civilian opposition resulted in the overthrow of Estimé in 1950. and of concerned with shifts in the tactics approaches Chapter 5is chiefly and economic climate under the miliradicalism and the general political Introduction 11 --- Page 27 --- tary rule of Paul Magloire. It depicts the Magloire years as a period defined by great economic strife and increased state repression. New sources are brought to bear on the controversial election campaign of 1956-1957, which signaled the end of this period of radicalism. The conclusion discusses the shortcomings of the political movements and considers the importance of the Haitian experience to the wider Caribbean. It is hoped that by shedding much-needed light on this important period, this book helps to fill one of several major gaps in Haitian history and, in some small measure, contributes to a broader appreciation of a transformative era in the history of the modern Caribbean. 12 Introduction a period defined by great economic strife and increased state repression. New sources are brought to bear on the controversial election campaign of 1956-1957, which signaled the end of this period of radicalism. The conclusion discusses the shortcomings of the political movements and considers the importance of the Haitian experience to the wider Caribbean. It is hoped that by shedding much-needed light on this important period, this book helps to fill one of several major gaps in Haitian history and, in some small measure, contributes to a broader appreciation of a transformative era in the history of the modern Caribbean. 12 Introduction --- Page 28 --- CHAPTER 1 The Postoccupation Dilemma Ideology and Contention in the Vincent Years, 1934-1941 t Since a little over half a century, the country has been the victim of the same practices of small, clannish, ambitious leaders, who do not understand the real Haitian problem. Foreign intervention could not alleviate this situation. Now the country should live under new laws. -Manifeste de la Réaction Démocratique, aiti faced a series of new challenges with the end of the U.S. occupation. Compared with the tumult H 1915, the of the years 19305 was a decade of relative preceding the absence of major political stability despite political or economic reforms. the strengthening of a semi-professional Equally important were the creation of vocational Haitian army, the Garde d'Haîti, schools, and the affirmation the center of political of Port-au-Prince as power. President Vincent committed to a new era of reformism akin himself publicly to Roosevelt's New deepen ties with the United States Deal, and sought to and Haiti's the Dominican Republic. There powerful eastern neighbor, nomic and social were, however, few changes in the ecostructures. The elites continued to sector, and by virtue of this dominate the financial power were able to ment. After 1934, the United States indirectly control the governbecame Haiti's more importing than half of its annual coffee leading trading partner, influence of Haitian finance, yield and carefully maintained These developments favored the interests of urban benefits for the elites and offered little peasantry or urban workers. When the fast assumed a more authoritarian marines left, Vincent election in 1936. leadership style, especially after his reHaving cut his teeth as a fierce opponent of the occupation, --- Page 29 --- uste President Sténio Vincent (at the head of the table), at Vincent's right), and members of the Garde Foreign Minister Élie Lescot (seated Independence d'Haiti High Command Day, 1 January 1934. Courtesy of U.S. National celebrate Haitian Archives, USMC Records. the president was considered by mid-decade Americans in the "one of the staunchest prohemisphere." He used the Garde silence his opposition with threat and d'Haïti to effectively the political consciousness of the imprisonment. Against this backdrop sumed more radical forms. Haitian nationalists of the twenties asThis chapter explores the ideological and radical movements of the thirties, their sociopolitical context of the internal posed to the state, and the international debates, the challenges they radicalism. environment that shaped interwar Color Is Nothing, Class Is Everything: The Marxist Vision of Haiti The dismantling of marine control coincided the nationalist movement with the fragmentation of in the early thirties. The sions of the Damien revolt widespread repercusprovided enormous that came of age during the inspiration for the generation occupation. If the fervor created against the occupation in by the protest 1929 - 30 was to bear lasting turing of Haitian fruit, a drastic restrucsociety was considered essential. While tionalists of the late twenties many of the naacquiesced in their newfound political 14 The Postoccupation Dilemma posi- control coincided the nationalist movement with the fragmentation of in the early thirties. The sions of the Damien revolt widespread repercusprovided enormous that came of age during the inspiration for the generation occupation. If the fervor created against the occupation in by the protest 1929 - 30 was to bear lasting turing of Haitian fruit, a drastic restrucsociety was considered essential. While tionalists of the late twenties many of the naacquiesced in their newfound political 14 The Postoccupation Dilemma posi- --- Page 30 --- radical among them began to explore other tions under Vincent, the more of Marxism among alternatives. In the 1930S the global appeal political radicals found resonance in Haiti. young attracted the attention of some of the collaborators Though Marxism had following. Neverit never commanded any organized of La Revue Indigène, occupiers who, still this early interest was not lost on the country's theless, and the Red Scare in the United reeling from the rise in black militancy condition for Bolshedeemed the social divisions in Haiti a suitable States, infiltration, in fact, had been citedby vik influence. 2 Widespread communist R. P. Williams, as a principal the U.S. Commandant of the Garde d'Haiti, on the the Damien strike in 1929. In a somewhat paranoid report cause of the American High commissioner, Williams student strike submitted to which are in that "the recently formed young mens' organizations explained interest among the school full control of the radicals : . . are working up withdrawal."He demands for legislative elections and early children in their that children no longer salute the added, "At Cape Haitian it is reported to their ceremonies, and are openly disrespectful national colors at morning the only colors carried in the school children parade, teachers. At Jacmel - - '3 one flag of red with a green serpent. was [sic] and reflective of U.S. hysteria Such claims were doubtless exaggerated of nationalism and anti-occupationism. and the marines misunderstanding ideas were starting to capture the However, it also suggested that Marxist in Haitian intellectuals who participated sympathy of several outstanding forces in Haiti. the strike. This was a concern for the dominant of the twenRoumain, the most radical of the militants By 1931 Jacques nationalist movement. From the late ties, had detached himself from the written under the those in Le Petit Impartial twenties his writings, especially class-related problems as the most cenpseudonym Ibrahim, began to stress his background. tral issues in local politics.* This was unsurprising given to a wellRoumain was born on 4 June 1907 in Port-au-Prince Jacques sides, Roumain had connections with prominent respected family. On both Tancrède Auguste, including his maternal grandfather, Haitian statesmen, Roumain attended the best who briefly served as president (1912-13).5 where he studied before traveling to Switzerland and Spain, schools in Haiti agronomy. the Roumain developed a reputaOn his return to Haiti in 1927, young but also for his activism and tion not only for his talents as a writer and poet, thirties were a period 6 For Roumain the early commitment to social justice. the triumph and transformation. He was inspired by of intense personal The Postoccupation Dilemma 15 Haitian statesmen, Roumain attended the best who briefly served as president (1912-13).5 where he studied before traveling to Switzerland and Spain, schools in Haiti agronomy. the Roumain developed a reputaOn his return to Haiti in 1927, young but also for his activism and tion not only for his talents as a writer and poet, thirties were a period 6 For Roumain the early commitment to social justice. the triumph and transformation. He was inspired by of intense personal The Postoccupation Dilemma 15 --- Page 31 --- Revolution and envisioned similar achievements progress of the Bolshevik of protest to effect He saw firsthand the potential popular in his homeland. movement for all its that the indigenous political change in 1930, something Already an aggressive opponent cultural nationalism could not accomplish. Roumain arstandards, religious traditions, and imperialism, of bourgeois was born in the suffering of the gued that, since the nationalist movement them was the only that sought to liberate majority, a political philosophy indication of this political awakening acceptable model for Haiti. He gave an "I have writer Tristan Rémy in early 1932. in a letter written to French At the political conceptions. : I am a Communist. revised completely my the cadres for a political struggle do not moment I am not militant because land holdings, I have exist in Haiti. The son of owners of extensive yet renounced my bourgeois origins. of the country's most gifted For the next few years Jacques Roumain, one to devote his abandon his literary writings writers, would almost completely with two other radicals mobilization. He found support life to communist associated with the indigenous movement: in their early twenties closely who briefly flirted Beaulieu and the influential Louis Diaquoi, Christian intent on forming a communist with communism. 8 Beaulieu and Roumain, with the hope of traveled to New York in the spring of 1932 party in Haiti, Communist Party of the United States obtaining financial aid from the the formation of an (CPUSA)." 9 With the promise of support, contingent on to meet to Haiti, where they began underground party, the two returned areas of La Saline in the popular with students and organize clandestinely and Bel-Air.0 supported the movement It is not known exactly how many participants mobilization The scant evidence on the early or attended the meetings. that the following was very small and activities of the communists suggests drawn to Marxist ideas students primarily strongest among more privileged conditions given the socioeconomic out of curiosity. This is understandable and the global Haiti in the thirties. Labor unionism was still gestating in made many urban workers grateful for emeffects of the Great Depression Vincent's rhetoric of liberaployment and less willing to organize. Moreover, for Marxist radicals. tion was strong competition in 1932, there was an undeniWhatever the real strength of communism Vincent, Once in power the elite of its potential growth. able worry among a challenge to his that the spread of radical ideas posed potential fearing commented in private that when the "Americans regime's nationalist allure, force to maintain itself in the will have to rely on have gone government 16 The Postoccupation Dilemma grateful for emeffects of the Great Depression Vincent's rhetoric of liberaployment and less willing to organize. Moreover, for Marxist radicals. tion was strong competition in 1932, there was an undeniWhatever the real strength of communism Vincent, Once in power the elite of its potential growth. able worry among a challenge to his that the spread of radical ideas posed potential fearing commented in private that when the "Americans regime's nationalist allure, force to maintain itself in the will have to rely on have gone government 16 The Postoccupation Dilemma --- Page 32 --- the country in a state >11 Vincent made good on this promise, placing various power." office and instituting martial law at of siege shortly after taking minister of the interior, Élie Lescot points throughout his rule. His trusted various forcombatant of communism, expelling (1930-34), was a vigilant movements. nationals suspected of being linked to regional eign drastic measures may be explained by the political The rationale for such nationalism in Latin America nature of the battle between communism and communists were perceived as anarchists, in the thirties. Across the region, for. In most cases forceful represthe antithesis of what nationalism stood this approach endorsed as a deterrent. Vincent justified sion was officially between Haitian Marxists and agents of once he learned of the connections Roumain and communists between the CPUSA. In late 1932 correspondence authorities and taken as evidence of in New York was intercepted by Haitian The active movement in the country. government an attempt to organize an a strike for that Roumain and his associates were planning general charged hasten U.S. withdrawal and overthe second week of January intended to maintained, was The funding for this grand scheme, they throw the regime. of the CPUSA and orchestrated by a Cuban provided by the New York chapter At the same time the supposed communist living in Haiti, Dr. Omar Lind. that Haitian the Haitian minister in Paris reported plot was unearthed, news of active communist radicals in the Latin Quarter were circulating cells organizing in Haiti.2 of the early thirties was another Implicated in the Haitian red scare Hudicourt was born movement, Max Hudicourt. veteran of the indigenous in the southern province of elite family on 25 June 1907 to a light-skinned and became politically He moved to Port-au-Prince at a young age Jérémie. like Roumain, regarded Marxism a involved during the 1920S. Hudicourt, For him, Vincent's to the Haitian situation. political ideology applicable had betrayed the nationalist and the president policies were antidemocratic with the United States. In contrast to movement by being far too compliant less fervent in his devotion to peers, however, Hudicourt was his communist member of the intelligentsia, Marxism. Still, his background as a prominent with radicals in the oratorical skills, and his connections his remarkable outside Haiti, made him an and the southern provinces, as well as city influential figure. La Réaction DémoHudicourt was the leader of the radical organization strike that included leaders of the student cratique (RD), formed in 1932, Brierre. The group expressed such as J. D. Sam, Georges Rigaud, and Jean edited, Le Centre, in the antigovernment paper Hudicourt their protest The Postoccupation Dilemma 17 prominent with radicals in the oratorical skills, and his connections his remarkable outside Haiti, made him an and the southern provinces, as well as city influential figure. La Réaction DémoHudicourt was the leader of the radical organization strike that included leaders of the student cratique (RD), formed in 1932, Brierre. The group expressed such as J. D. Sam, Georges Rigaud, and Jean edited, Le Centre, in the antigovernment paper Hudicourt their protest The Postoccupation Dilemma 17 --- Page 33 --- Max Hudicourt Jacques Roumain which featured open admiration for state control ofthe Though communist means of production. disseminating language was intentionally avoided, he was accused of communist ideas. As with the Roumain Hudicourt and a known communist case, letters between evidence of his in New York were found and used as participation in a plot to overthrow the Based on these spurious claims, the government." Left, Hudicourt and two leading figures of the Haitian Roumain, were arrested, tried, and months at the beginning of 1933. 14 imprisoned for three ing Lind and H. Foreigners linked with both men, includPeguerro, a Dominican radical accused of up a strike of workers at the Haitian attempting to stir American were deported. The marines, Sugar Company (HASCO), anxious to rid the ences before leaving, launched country of Marxist influa widespread of Bolshevist Activities" campaign for the in Haiti, which they argued "Suppression and spread among the working class." >15 The were "being organized leftists attracted much sentencing of these high-profile coverage in the local and provoked criticism from labor international press and their release. 16 organizations in New York, which lobbied for It also exposed crucial differences in the that would bear political approach of both men significantly on the future of Haitian trial, Hudicourt categorically Marxism. After the the fundamental declared, "I am not a communist. I believe in principles of the doctrine but find it too ideological for our 18 The Postoccupation Dilemma leftists attracted much sentencing of these high-profile coverage in the local and provoked criticism from labor international press and their release. 16 organizations in New York, which lobbied for It also exposed crucial differences in the that would bear political approach of both men significantly on the future of Haitian trial, Hudicourt categorically Marxism. After the the fundamental declared, "I am not a communist. I believe in principles of the doctrine but find it too ideological for our 18 The Postoccupation Dilemma --- Page 34 --- held firm to his well-being, >917 Roumain, for his part, defiantly national written from his cell in the National communist position as a statement workers and to find a scientific attests: "My devotion is to the Penitentiary not even the name Lescot or the solution of the Haitian problem : . and of American imleaders of exploitation and accomplices mulâtre bourgeois perialism can ever discourage me. 18 strike Roumain and The attention from abroad, coupled with a hunger after led to the release of both men only Hudicourt began in early February, of the residences of susfour weeks in prison. 19 The thorough canvassing the communists in the capital and the south convinced government pected in the spread of campaign was successful preventing that the anticommunist communist movement in the country. the nascent incarceration left the young radicals Despite the Garde's best intentions, along with Beaulieu, undeterred. No sooner was he released than Roumain, dockworkers and activities, secretly meeting with resumed his communist Port-au-Prince. During this antigovernment handbills around distributing to include Étienne Charlier, a period, the core of the movement expanded who was introduced brilliant young member of the indigenous movement a Columwhile a doctorate in Paris, Anthony Lespès, to Marxism pursuing Marxist, Phito Marcelin, Saint-Juste and orthodox bia University graduate Sajous, Georges Petit, and Dorléans Zamor, Saturnin François, Marcellus 20 This would meet and from Arcahaie. group Juste Constant, a young pastor could be applied to Haitian discuss strategies in which Marxist philosophy withdrawal, highthat accompanied the marines' politics. The euphoria removal of the U.S. flag, was for the communists lighted by the symbolic the summer of 1934, they officially moment to emerge. By an opportune which the Ligue formed the Parti Communiste Haîtien (PCH), replaced earlier. 21 that Roumain started with Petit a few months Anti-Imperialiste Committee of the PCH released the party's proIn June the Central by Roumain and Charlier, LAnalyse schématique 32-34. Written jointly gram, the first Marxist critique of Haitian society. To L'Analyse schématique was manifesto issued by La Réaction a large degree, it was a response to a state intervention in a few months before calling for greater Démocratique, Nonetheless, the Haiti.22 As a result, much of its tone was argumentative. Roumain is distilled in two articulate sections penned by party's position that introduce the work. he calls the "nationalist myth," arguing In the first Roumain dispels what the process of decomthat "the arrival to power of the Nationalists began movement as being He viewed the nationalist position of nationalism. The Postoccupation Dilemma 19 a large degree, it was a response to a state intervention in a few months before calling for greater Démocratique, Nonetheless, the Haiti.22 As a result, much of its tone was argumentative. Roumain is distilled in two articulate sections penned by party's position that introduce the work. he calls the "nationalist myth," arguing In the first Roumain dispels what the process of decomthat "the arrival to power of the Nationalists began movement as being He viewed the nationalist position of nationalism. The Postoccupation Dilemma 19 --- Page 35 --- that worsened once political corrupted by its inherent class contradictions Roumain concluded: Explaining this in Marxist terms power was attained. of fulfilling its promises because "The nationalist movement was incapable bourgeoisie. The collided with the nationalist these nationalist promises understand the lies of the nationalist large majority of the working class now capitalism, imperialism is a fight against bourgeoisie. . The fight against and the bourand local, and the excess of the Haitian bourgeoisie foreign and cruel exploiters of the workers geois politicians, valets of imperialism and peasants." >24 developments since 1930, the If the first section was a critique of political the more troubling for its treatment of one of second proved more revealing the color question. From a Marxist viewpoint, issues in Haitian politics, historical reality, was more importantly a Haitian color prejudice, while a P25 Using Marxian of the opposition of class struggle: "sentimental expression that Haitian social relations were comdialectics, Roumain demonstrated and a black petit-bourgeoisie "proletarianized" prised of a black proletariat a small bourgeoisie that industrialization, and oppressed by by international milat.2 26 Thus color byi itself had no significant bearing happened to be mostly color held relevance at all it was only on the social order. To the extent that mulâtre to as a mask by black politicians and politicians because it was "used "27 For him, nationalists intentionally hide the true problem of class struggle." social "The duty of obscured this reality in order to gain political and power. the black because it is a workers' party : . is to put the PCH, which is 98% who would like to exploit to the black politicians proletariat on guard against their profit their justifiable anger. 28 Front without disRoumain called for a "Unique Proletarian In closing, of the capitalist bourgeoisie, black, tinction of color" to "fight the solidarity slogan: "Color is and white, that would rally around the PCH's mulâtre, nothing, class is everything. >29 and the surfacing of the PCH The dissemination of L'Analyse Schématique following a police opposition toward the left. In August, revived government arrested and court-martialed for raid on his house, Roumain was again living in New York with a Haitian communist treason when correspondence authorities based their charges on the by the police. The was discovered in which Roumain asked for "matériel" contents of one letter in particular, for explointerpreted as a request to be sent to Haiti. This was deliberately Roumain had been supsives to launch a communist overthrow. In reality, nine black youths for the release of the porting a New York organization Alabama and was merely asking for convicted in the Scottsboro case in 20 The Postoccupation Dilemma again living in New York with a Haitian communist treason when correspondence authorities based their charges on the by the police. The was discovered in which Roumain asked for "matériel" contents of one letter in particular, for explointerpreted as a request to be sent to Haiti. This was deliberately Roumain had been supsives to launch a communist overthrow. In reality, nine black youths for the release of the porting a New York organization Alabama and was merely asking for convicted in the Scottsboro case in 20 The Postoccupation Dilemma --- Page 36 --- that to be sent to him. 30 Nevertheless, in literature he purchased in regard witnesses several trial the government presented as key the much-publicized that had followed Roumain closely for officers from Vincent's secret police communist literature reguseveral months. They testified that he received with dockand would frequently hold secret meetings larly on the wharves, damning evidence used against workers inciting them to strike. The most admission schématique, which was considered as an Roumain was L'Analyse of his communist leanings. 31 series of arrests of leftists Roumain's trial was the most prominent in a All radical organs were forcibly closed and importhat took place in August. Jolibois fils, Georges Petit and the popular Joseph tant activists, including Nationaliste des Ouvriers et Paysans head of the ephemeral Confédération 32 Jolibois fils was especially d'Haiti, were jailed on manufactured charges. worked with some time in Mexico where he allegedly targeted, having spent Hudicourt and the League of Mexico in 1927-28.0 the Anti-Imperialist also and imprisoned. Many leaders of Réaction Démocratique were pursued that anti-Vincent declaration appeared of these men were signatories of an in the summer of 1934 the French black workers organ, Le cri des nègres, in distributed in the rural areas. 34 In the trial that was smuggled into Haiti and that brochures were not exthat followed the arrests, Roumain insisted Such pleas fell on deaf and a "communist was not a terrorist."35 plosives sentenced to three years in the national ears and all of the accused were penitentiary. 36 Roumain a repeat outcry The harsh verdict handed down to sparked particularly among U.S. black intellectuals against the Haitian government, Hughes, who visited with whom he enjoyed close friendships. Langston for the Release in a "Committee Roumain in Haiti in 1931, participated were and in the international black press appeals of Jacques Roumain," and push for his the Haitian government made for readers to lobby against release. 37 radicals accord with the While the trial and sentencing of the leading it also alarmist reaction to the spread of communist ideology, government's local opposition and thus paving served the immediate purpose of removing for a secreelection. Vincent had been maneuvering the way for Vincent's legitimacy and a belief that ond term since at least 1933- A desire to maintain his decision. In without his strong rule guided the country would collapse it with sworn supporters. he dissolved the legislature and replaced of powers outlined in the for the abolition of the separation Two proposals, executive control of the appointment of senators, 1932 constitution and for The Postoccupation Dilemma 21 communist ideology, government's local opposition and thus paving served the immediate purpose of removing for a secreelection. Vincent had been maneuvering the way for Vincent's legitimacy and a belief that ond term since at least 1933- A desire to maintain his decision. In without his strong rule guided the country would collapse it with sworn supporters. he dissolved the legislature and replaced of powers outlined in the for the abolition of the separation Two proposals, executive control of the appointment of senators, 1932 constitution and for The Postoccupation Dilemma 21 --- Page 37 --- enabling him to run virreferendum the following year, passed a popular unopposed in the farcical elections on 15 May. tually another four-year term and faced with international With the security of States, Vincent saw fit to from radical organizations in the United opposition Petit, and the other radicals; they were grant full pardons to Roumain, of confinement proved released in the summer of 1936. The two years contracted malaria debilitating for several oft these men. Roumain physically circumstances early in the year. and Jolibois fils died from unexplained surveillance, Roumain left With weakened health and under constant police From abroad on a five-year exile in Europe. Haiti on 15 August, embarking in Haiti to the attention of the Roumain worked to bring the repression he denounced Vininternational left. Writing in the Negro Worker in 1937, forms of for its adoption of the "most brutal cent's "police dictatorship" "shameless exploitation of the mass antiterror and repression," and its imperialist movement" of 1930.40 release and exile, there is Although the PCH languished after Roumain's the work of indocthat members of the party continued evidence younger launched a short-lived journal called Vigie under trination. In 1936, the party and Franck Legendre. the direction of Antonio Fethière, Fritz Bourjolly, form cells in the they attempted to With other communist sympathizers, Gonaives. 41 Even amidst the harsh provinces, particularly in Les Cayes and to start a labor repression, communist sympathizers attempted government and early 1937 that was immediately supunion of bus operators in 1936 virtually all demonstrations associated pressed. 42 Government propaganda disturbances were actually with communist motives.43 Whether these minor for political influenced by communists or merely created by the government did lead Vincent to issue an executive decree in November distraction, they communist doctrines that were to combat the "violent" and "anarchistic" article of the law was most "dangers to the Haitian social order." The second or of communist faith, oral or written, public explicit: "Any profession of six months to one year private, will be punishable by an imprisonment communist infiltration and by a fine" >44 This reaction against perceived which surprisingly found universal support in the pro-government press, communism. fascist of dictatorship as necessary to combat advocated a type Le Réveil, "The nation must be like a According to an editorial in the journal >45 the door, the passage of la peste rouge. guard at blocking given the limited The harsh response of the state seemed unnecessary the weakened comof the Marxists. Still, the overreaction toward capacity reflected the antagonism toward antigovernment munist movement in 1936 22 The Postoccupation Dilemma which surprisingly found universal support in the pro-government press, communism. fascist of dictatorship as necessary to combat advocated a type Le Réveil, "The nation must be like a According to an editorial in the journal >45 the door, the passage of la peste rouge. guard at blocking given the limited The harsh response of the state seemed unnecessary the weakened comof the Marxists. Still, the overreaction toward capacity reflected the antagonism toward antigovernment munist movement in 1936 22 The Postoccupation Dilemma --- Page 38 --- of the nationalist the mid-thirties. Vincent's manipulation protest during successful in lessening the appeal of movement to justify dictatorship proved to conclude that activism. Even with such constraints, it is wrong radical the thirties. David Nicholls has Marxism was unimportant in Haiti during have been "wildly unthat Haitian Marxists of the thirties may suggested for social revolution."6 He realistic in their assessment of the possibilities of Pétionville noted that most "wrote from the comfortable homes further of the suburbs] and their practical knowledge and the Bois Verna, [elite with their servants and workers was restricted to a nodding acquaintance communism their estate. 947 The crusade against with the tenants on country fear and interest it commanded. in the press was, however, illustrative of the admixture that informed Marxism was also a vital part of the ideological ideoland thus destined to become an appealing liberal-democratic protests, became more concrete. The of resistance once the abuses of dictatorship would ogy of the Haitian social order that Marxists introduced a new critique ideas. In other words, Haitian remain a theoretical foil to other radical efforts and loose in the thirties was radicalized by the restricted politics the presence of dynamic and intellecorganization of the Marxists. Finally, Hudicourt, willing to personalities such as Roumain and tually capable the local manifestations of imperialism, eschew their elite origins to combat action for years to come. inspire radical elite youth to social would greatly the Marxists of the thirties were the This is a significant point to consider, as and weak, in political with albeit ephemeral only radical groups experience, organization. adopted by this form of active protest was not the only approach Yet Within the black intellectual milieu radicals in the repressive Vincent years. the social critique and racial another that found much profit in existed group and that would use this assertiveness of the movements of the twenties admiration to elaborate on its black consciousness. The Political Thought of the Griots progeny among a small found their most important The indigénistes As early as 1929 three of non-elite intellectuals in Port-au-Prince. in a group themselves as Les Trois D met regularly young men who referred to Port-au-Prince to discuss the rented house on Rue Fronts-Forts in downtown movement for the of Price-Mars's work and the ethnological significance 48 The included Lorimer Denis, a lawyer emerging black middle class. group associate and a journalist from from Cap Haîtien, Louis Diaquoi, Roumain's The Postoccupation Dilemma 23 énistes As early as 1929 three of non-elite intellectuals in Port-au-Prince. in a group themselves as Les Trois D met regularly young men who referred to Port-au-Prince to discuss the rented house on Rue Fronts-Forts in downtown movement for the of Price-Mars's work and the ethnological significance 48 The included Lorimer Denis, a lawyer emerging black middle class. group associate and a journalist from from Cap Haîtien, Louis Diaquoi, Roumain's The Postoccupation Dilemma 23 --- Page 39 --- Duvalier, from the capital who was then studying Gonaives, and François All three first met at the medicine at the Medical School in Port-au-Prince. under had been students in the mid-twenties Lycée Pétion, where they christened the "Berceau Price-Mars. The gatherings, held at Denis's house, a site des Griots" by an associate, fast became de L'École historico-culturelle discussions.* 49 In 1932, shortly before his for informal cultural and literary for the and for a journal suggested the name Griots group death, Diaquoi the name of the traditional African storythey were planning 50 Inspired by and the artists as the conduit teller, the Griots perceived the intellectuals According to Carl which folk history and culture is transmitted. through founders of La Revue Indigène, "Over there in Brouard, one of the principal men and women spit country of Africa when the Griots pass, the mysterious and sorcerers, and people are of because the Griots are poets as a sign disgust of in the late occupation years, the always scared of mystery."s1 Coming age mid-thirties generation formed an important core of the Griot intellectuals Haitians, whose thought and apwho identified themselves as "nouveaux the way forward for regarding history, politics, and culture pointed had, proach of the "anciens Haitians" of the preoccupation years Haiti. The failings for the occupation. 52 For most of the by contrast, created the circumstances discussion and writcollective refined their ideas through thirties, the Griot Le Petit Impartial, of which ings in several Port-au-Prince dailies, particularly L'Assaut. editor, L'Action National, and Réné Piquion's Diaquoi was an failed attempt to start a daily, the quarterly In October 1938, following a the Clément Magloire formed with Duvalier, Denis, and poets Les Griots was Carl Brouard as directors.s3 Their aim was fils (later Magloire St. Aude) and and "assure the integration "continue the work of La Revue Indigène" to literature. >54 More scientific than literof [their] movement into national devoted to articles for that matter political, the journal was largely ary, or distinctiveness of African and Africanon the psychological and biological with Denis wrote the majordescended peoples. Duvalier, who in company of Arthur de in the review, adopted the racial theories ity of the essays asserting that psychological Gobineau and Haitian theorist Arthur Holly, differed considerably between European and socio-cultural characteristics was that the 55 The basic problem in Haiti they argued and African peoples. of Haiof French values had impaired the proper development assimilation "Above all, the Haitian problem is a to Duvalier, tian society. According be a profound reform of the cultural problem and the solution can only that this men- >56 With an echo of Gobineau, they argued Haitian mentality' [Haitians'] African heredity"s tality was "unconsciously governed by 24 The Postoccupation Dilemma European and socio-cultural characteristics was that the 55 The basic problem in Haiti they argued and African peoples. of Haiof French values had impaired the proper development assimilation "Above all, the Haitian problem is a to Duvalier, tian society. According be a profound reform of the cultural problem and the solution can only that this men- >56 With an echo of Gobineau, they argued Haitian mentality' [Haitians'] African heredity"s tality was "unconsciously governed by 24 The Postoccupation Dilemma --- Page 40 --- of Haitian identity, the Griots went further In outlining this argument racial differences and offering an than their predecessors in emphasizing racial and color divisions. Drawing analysis of the vexing question of Haitian of research, they demanded a greater incorporation on their ethnographic life. It is from the peasantry, the folk practices, especially vodou, in national community is that Haitian culture derives. "The Haitian Griots argued, and Denis stated, and vodou as the spiritual essentially rural," Duvalier should be "embraced by all Haitians." 958 expression of the Haitian majority African heritage in music, This call for the expression of the country's with the indigeliterature, and religion represented a significant continuity nous argument. discourse was a focus on Haitian history and the A crucial aspect of Griot termed "a black legend" of the rehabilitation of what David Nicholls has nationalists such 59 Following in the footsteps of the nineteenth-century past." that the country's most basic problem existed as Louis Janvier, they argued of the majority of the black since independence: the constant exploitation had been small milat elite. No systematic attempt inhabitants by a privileged The year 1804 was, in Duvalier's made to redress the colonial predicament. >60 The true heroes of words, "more of an evolution than a REVOLUTION. Salomon. Their the black leaders Toussaint, Dessalines, and Haiti were beneficial to the majority were thwarted by efforts to enforce lasting reforms elite. It was in discussing the nature the hegemonic control of a light-skinned of They Haitian history that they refined the argument authenticity. of defined all other aspects of social life. They argued that cultural authenticity between the color of Haiti's maintained that there was a strong correlation outlook of the milat The Europhile leadership and its underdevelopment. the needs of a black country and thus elite precluded them from appreciating of nationhood. It was only made them ill-suited to chart the proper course and meet these deblacks that could comprehend the more authentique the aspirations of the black mands. Such a proposition clearly supported color relations. intellectuals, and also assumed a false stasis in Haitian which and the vehemence with they The insistence of the Griots on race a ideas encouraged them to formulate political supported their sociocultural If the construction of a ideology at the heart of which lay racial authenticity. of Francophone inclusive Haitian society warranted the repudiation truly democratic structure was values, then the dissolution of a European-based were inclined to a Gobineau's idea that Africans by nature equally necessary. was instructive. 61 Noiristes argued "paternalistic" and "despotic" government a belief that European politiof French culture included that appropriation The Postoccupation Dilemma 25 ideas encouraged them to formulate political supported their sociocultural If the construction of a ideology at the heart of which lay racial authenticity. of Francophone inclusive Haitian society warranted the repudiation truly democratic structure was values, then the dissolution of a European-based were inclined to a Gobineau's idea that Africans by nature equally necessary. was instructive. 61 Noiristes argued "paternalistic" and "despotic" government a belief that European politiof French culture included that appropriation The Postoccupation Dilemma 25 --- Page 41 --- nation. In African political cal institutions were essential to a civilized model for Haitian governance. structures they found a more appropriate modern Africa were based and Denis contended that the polities of Duvalier inherent in Haitian poliand that the individualism on communitarianism, of French political systems during of the importation tics was a consequence forebears, they argued that the colonization.' 62 Like their tum-of-the-century' milat hierarchy maintained such a system. abuse of this system on the In the context of postoccupation Haiti the the Haitian most crude. For the Griot collective basis of color appeared foreign modcommunists, had erred by applying elites, including the young in this system was the the Haitian reality. The only hope for a change els to customs and culture in all aspects of political conscious inclusion of Haitian were most direct: "The and social life. On this point Duvalier and Denis that we have is to see that the movement ultimate hope of our generation diverse manifestathe literature of the country is expanded to all started in Above all it is the conservation of our spiritions of our social order. : and assure the continuity of tual structure that can guarantee our originality our Race."63 could be realized was not, at the The process by which this expansion black directorate considwell defined. Nor was the necessity of a moment, members of the group subscribed to Vincent's ered as urgent. Indeed several and praised him and Salorhetoric that he was Haiti's "Second Liberator" >64 A words, "the two greatest leaders of the proletariat. mon as, in Brouard's will argue, did not assume a discourse, as the next chapter noiriste political articulation until the following decade. Haitian precise character of the Still, it is possible to discern the fundamental unformed at from the thinkers of the thirties. Though variant of black power anti-liberal component includthe time, at the base of noirisme was a strong state. 65 Diaqoui and exclusive the implementation of an authoritarian ing in a country rife with color prejudice promargued that liberal democracy different social classes to the benefit ised further divisions among blacks of who would always retain control. 66 of the milat elite, however, the noiristes, With the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935, Haile Selassie other black intellectuals in the region, supported like most Mussolini.7 Thus, by the time and the Abyssinians and strongly criticized framework of a black radiWorld War II began, the Griots had outlined the cal discourse. relevance in Marxism for the Haitian situaThe noiriste writers found no distanced themselves from the Marxist intelligentsia. tion and generally 26 The Postoccupation Dilemma who would always retain control. 66 of the milat elite, however, the noiristes, With the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935, Haile Selassie other black intellectuals in the region, supported like most Mussolini.7 Thus, by the time and the Abyssinians and strongly criticized framework of a black radiWorld War II began, the Griots had outlined the cal discourse. relevance in Marxism for the Haitian situaThe noiriste writers found no distanced themselves from the Marxist intelligentsia. tion and generally 26 The Postoccupation Dilemma --- Page 42 --- during the twenties, parted comBrouard, who had been close to Roumain he said, "is far from being with his friend on this issue. "Communism; Marxpany >68 Duvalier was equally dismissive of the best solution for the masses. Haitians. 69 that materialism held no relevance for ism, arguing the young intellectuals also created The heightened radicalism among movement Older nationalists of the indigenous a generational struggle. and its essentialism with much ambivaviewed the discourse of authenticity the ethnological Price-Mars, the idol of the Griots, supported lence. Jean radicalism associated with the négritude movement and later the cultural objected to the criticized noirisme. He firmly movement, but consistently social cleavages rather movement on the grounds that it advocated greater radical black conHe recognized that a politically than national unity.0 sciousness could ultimately lead to despotism. Dalencour and Dantès milat intellectuals like François More conservative Bellegarde found more utility Bellegarde dismissed the noiriste movement. The true for Haitian nationalism. in western cultural models as a framework on he maintained, was their dependence problem for Haitians to overcome, cohesive struggle against U.S. the United States. Noirisme threatened any culture and lacked any program domination, as the focus on psychology that noirisme proMoreover, Bellegarde argued for economic development. that "all Haitians are of moted a racism that was akin to Nazism. He insisted false on color differences was "not only the same origin" and the emphasis The vodou was a hindrance to national progress. but criminal."71 In his view, of of vodou rituals and lore by noiristes was a demonstration promotion uneducated and depoliticized. It is their desire to keep non-elite Haitians debt, not Africa. He also he argued, that Haiti owes its cultural to France, contradiction of a young intelligentsia infludrew attention to the obvious the acceptance of African enced by the Parisian academy while advocating a Dahomean Western ones: "In the center of the Americas traditions over religion for the amusement of island with a Bantu culture and a Dahomean advocated a Bellegarde the Yankee tourists." "72 Like most conservatives, members of all political structure, which would include liberal-democratic social groups. 73 political the Griot argument for an African-based For the most part, their debate with the communists resystem in postoccupation Haiti and the thirties. Elites who were mained fixed in an intellectual setting during and it paid little attention to the movement, well aware of its postulations their dominance. It is telling that, as a serious threat to was never perceived of the Griot movement were arrested or unlike the Marxists, no members The Postoccupation Dilemma 27 political structure, which would include liberal-democratic social groups. 73 political the Griot argument for an African-based For the most part, their debate with the communists resystem in postoccupation Haiti and the thirties. Elites who were mained fixed in an intellectual setting during and it paid little attention to the movement, well aware of its postulations their dominance. It is telling that, as a serious threat to was never perceived of the Griot movement were arrested or unlike the Marxists, no members The Postoccupation Dilemma 27 --- Page 43 --- celebratory of the power of the peasantry and forced into exile. Though that The they only made a marginal impact on constituency. working-class, of a few black intellectuals. movement remained solely the preoccupation lack of funds, and in the review closed down once again due to a By 1940 course of study at the School of Public 1944 Duvalier left Haiti on a two-year Denis, who had pubthe of Michigan in Ann Arbor. Health at University between articles on vodou with Duvalier in various journals lished several and teaching, In the late and 1944, devoted most of his time to research radical of the poets in the Griot collective, thirties Carl Brouard, the most outside the capital, converted to vodou and lived a bohemian existence his mental He long suffered from bouts of depression, scarcely writing, denounced vodou and the condition deteriorated, and by 1942 he publicly But devout Catholic until his death in 1965.74 Griot movement, becoming a the fervor of black nationalism if it appeared, at least superficially, that the relevance of its would subside with the splintering ofthe Griot vanguard, decade its growth. During the next meaning during the forties guaranteed transformation consciousness would undergo a profound Haitian political in other places. and noirisme would find powerful interpretation The Massacre of 1937 and Its Aftermath Good and Bad Neighbors: emphasized the way in which the postoccupaThe foregoing discussion creating an atmosphere in shaped urban radicalism by tion predicament could emerge. It must be borne in mind, which contrasting radical discourses U.S. foreign policy took place amidst shifting however, that désoccupation continue for over a decade in the autostrategies. That Vincentisme could This external context detercratic fashion it did owes much to this factor. to the conditions of governance in Haiti and contributed mined the political Thus in order to completely underrenewal of social tensions and conflicts. a discussion nature of activism in the thirties and beyond, stand the political Haiti is necessary. of the impact of U.S. hemispheric policy as regards and parcel of of U.S. control of Haiti was part The gradual disengagement Stick policy initiatives and the the abandonment of tur-of-the-century Big Events Good Neighbor Policy.5 move toward Herbert Hoover's contrasting suffering endured nationalist resistance in Haiti and the global such as the this evolution. Roosethe Wall Street crash of 1929 precipitated following in the domestic affairs of American states velt's pledge of nonintervention of Pan-Americanism.? 76 In formed the overarching tenet of this new vision Policy did the Good Neighbor spite of its rhetoric of regional cooperation, 28 The Postoccupation Dilemma disengagement Stick policy initiatives and the the abandonment of tur-of-the-century Big Events Good Neighbor Policy.5 move toward Herbert Hoover's contrasting suffering endured nationalist resistance in Haiti and the global such as the this evolution. Roosethe Wall Street crash of 1929 precipitated following in the domestic affairs of American states velt's pledge of nonintervention of Pan-Americanism.? 76 In formed the overarching tenet of this new vision Policy did the Good Neighbor spite of its rhetoric of regional cooperation, 28 The Postoccupation Dilemma --- Page 44 --- control of Latin American and Caribnot attempt to reduce U.S. economic development in the resource bean countries. On the contrary, byinfluencing and influence and strengthened U.S. power region, Roosevelt effectively economies to the ebbs and flows increased the susceptibility of these poorer States remained the In the Haitian case, the United of the U.S. economy. of U.S. trade was leading trading partner. The preponderance country's contract to Stanin 1935 with the granting of a twenty-five-year epitomized for the development of the Haitian dard Fruit and Steamship Company banana industry. affairs facilitated the By the same token, nonintervention in political of these regimes to of authoritarian regimes. The commitment emergence States in the geopolitical contest against the work on the side of the United them considerable supof communism, fascism, and Nazism won doctrines of dictators, from Nicaragua to Cuba, intent port. The net result was a spate power. U.S. noninterference to strengthen personal on manipulating dictators were more adept at manipulating this In the Caribbean few in 1930: Vincent and than the two who came to power in Hispaniola policy Leonidas Trujillo Molina in the Dominican Republic. Generalissimo Rafael afforded by the Good Neighbor Policy, With the degrees of political freedom while expunging their North American recognition both these men gained were able to flagrantly violate country's fragile democratic structures. They in the rhetoric of Panthe notions of liberal democracy enshrined very use extreme violence to Americanism and, especially in the case of Trujillo, most The abuse of this system was advance their own political programs. on the Dominievinced in the genocide exacted on Haitians living brutally event that not only stands as one of the most can border in 1937, a singular but is also of import to the in modern Caribbean history traumatic episodes development of Haiti during these years.7 political massacre can be traced to the twenty-year Haitian The deep roots of the under President Jeanoccupation of the Dominican Republic (1822-1842) in the midEmperor Faustin Soulouque Pierre Boyer and two invasions by the seeds for a virulent ranineteenth century. These experiences created Less than a anti-Haitian discourse in the Dominican Republic.* cialized launched a minor attack on after being sworn into office, Trujillo year ostensibly over tax violations. Intermittent clashes Haitians on the border, concern for the Haitian thereafter and proved to be a troubling erupted on both sides and after much negotiation government. In February 1936, that Vincent and Trujillo agreed on a treaty attempted with U.S. arbitration, all parties concerned, Hailed as a triumph by to solve the territorial dispute. The Postoccupation Dilemma 29 Dominican Republic.* cialized launched a minor attack on after being sworn into office, Trujillo year ostensibly over tax violations. Intermittent clashes Haitians on the border, concern for the Haitian thereafter and proved to be a troubling erupted on both sides and after much negotiation government. In February 1936, that Vincent and Trujillo agreed on a treaty attempted with U.S. arbitration, all parties concerned, Hailed as a triumph by to solve the territorial dispute. The Postoccupation Dilemma 29 --- Page 45 --- of the land near Dajabon be ceded to both countries agreed that a portion Dominican side on the map. 79 Haiti in return for a clear delineation of the between the two countries appeared to improve, judgIndeed, the relations visits by Trujillo to Haiti ing by the fanfare and publicity that accompanied Haitiana visit by Vincent to the first Intellectual and, in March 1937, Dominican Congress, in Ciudad Trujillo. boundaries of both effectively clarified the geographic These measures diplomatic cordiality, but Hispaniola and strengthened countries occupying of the constant stream of Haitians and did little to address the question the frontier. The massive Dominicans that moved back and forth across Fulgencio from Cuba by deportation of Haitian and Jamaican sugarworkers overburdened labor Batista in the summer of 1937 put a strain on an already the border of these returning workers found their way to situation. Many In an effort to realize his policy of where the promise of work was great. series of on the dominicanizacion of the frontier, Trujillo imposed a quotas 81 At workers allowed to work on the sugar plantations. numbers of foreign white" Puerto Rican workers the same time, he petitioned for "purer"near colonies. 82 Dominican settle in the border towns and supplant the Haitian to anti-Haitianism in the local press justified these officials promoting strong of Haias a response to the unceasing depredations harsh new regulations and the spread of vodou customs considered tian bandits and cattle herders, between the mobility "anti-Christian" 7 in the Cibao region. The increasing border towns led to countries and the restrictions on employment in the two conditions for both Haitians and Dominicans. a degradation in the living for minor violations and placed Large numbers of Haitians were arrested minister of justice, jails where, on the orders of Trujillo's in overcrowded killed.84 Following reports in June 1937 of DoJulio Ortega Frier, many were and several Haitian workers minican police denying Haitian tourists entry Trujillo made beaten by police, the Haitian minister in Ciudad being brutally Léger to strengthen the appeals to Minister of the Interior Georges urgent of against future occurGarde patrol on the border as a "measure prevention" fast deteriorated. 85 These warnings went unheeded and the situation rences. tour of the frontier in September, Trujillo After completing a month-long had found a definitive solution to publicly announced on 2 October that he resident Inspector in Five days later, the United States the border problem. to report that over eight Haïtien called the minister in Port-au-Prince Cap had crossed the frontier with news of mass hundred wounded Haitians were in the northwest. 86 In short order similar reports murders taking place the minister's worst fears. received from elsewhere confirming 30 The Postoccupation Dilemma situation rences. tour of the frontier in September, Trujillo After completing a month-long had found a definitive solution to publicly announced on 2 October that he resident Inspector in Five days later, the United States the border problem. to report that over eight Haïtien called the minister in Port-au-Prince Cap had crossed the frontier with news of mass hundred wounded Haitians were in the northwest. 86 In short order similar reports murders taking place the minister's worst fears. received from elsewhere confirming 30 The Postoccupation Dilemma --- Page 46 --- the grisly details indiTrujillo's motives remain ambiguous, Although planned and orchestrated. According to cate that the pogrom was carefully officer in the Dominiinterviewed by the U.S. investigating eyewitnesses hundreds of Haitians were rounded on successive nights can Republic, offices at Dajabôn and MonteCristi with up and taken to the immigration Once their visas were that they were to be deported. the understanding to the docks where they were beaten stamped, they were taken en masse bodies thrown in clubs and hacked to death with machetes and their with taken behind the fortress, shot, and buried the sea. In Montecristi they were concluded, "the entire there. "As a result of this campaign;" the U.S. minister devoid of Haitians." 987 northwest frontier on the Dajabon side is absolutely uncertain of of, U.S. officials were Since most of the bodies were disposed scant reports of the and the foreign press, receiving the extent slaughter that news of mass murders were exagfrom Caribbean bureaus, insinuated of staggering numbers of gerated.s In the following weeks, however, reports and Ouanaminthe in Haiti, sixty-two killings in San Francisco de Macoris, into the foreign ministries in both countries, prompting other towns poured incident had been much worse than preNorweb to conclude that "the Haitians were thought. Neither sex or age were respected. : viously 989 With diplomatic attention raised, apparently killed to the last person. Haitians and ordered the killings stopped. By that time, over 15,000 Trujillo Dominicans were dead.90 Listin Diario, written by fustatement in the Dominican paper In a press administration accepted no Joaquin Balaguer, the Trujillo ture president commentaries.") Later blame for the massacre that they called "exaggerated with Dominican would cite Vincent's failure to comply the government factor. While exiles be extradited as a precipitating requests that political in private they freelyt boasted Dominican officials publicly evaded culpability, in dinner with Norweb, Ortega Frier, who was placed about the deed. At a insisted that the massacre was "imcharge of the Dominican investigation, would have of Haitians to the region perative" as the continued immigration made the frontier "black within three generations:" reactions. At the In Haiti, news of the massacre provoked contrasting which led slow in issuing a response, state level, Vincent was surprisingly of the extent of the the U.S. minister to assume that he either "is unaware the situation. 993 Vincent was very killings or is deliberately minimizing very early." much aware of the murders as reports came into Port-au-Prince extensive COVthe local press refrained from On the president's instigation, of calm is typically explained as a fear ofthe event. This initial attitude erage Dilemma 31 The Postoccupation . At the In Haiti, news of the massacre provoked contrasting which led slow in issuing a response, state level, Vincent was surprisingly of the extent of the the U.S. minister to assume that he either "is unaware the situation. 993 Vincent was very killings or is deliberately minimizing very early." much aware of the murders as reports came into Port-au-Prince extensive COVthe local press refrained from On the president's instigation, of calm is typically explained as a fear ofthe event. This initial attitude erage Dilemma 31 The Postoccupation --- Page 47 --- should the stronger Dominican army launch a of the possibility of war Vincent deemed formal against his regime. 95 It is true that counterattack weaker Haitian army as an invitation for retaliation by a comparatively neighbors) to possible assistance from other Hispanophone Trujillo (with weakness, however; as Thomas intervene. It was not just a matter of military of officers in the has out, there were sufficient numbers Fieherer pointed the slaughter. 96 A high-ranking Garde to patrol the border and prevent noted that "for some time officer in the Garde in the subsequent months of forces on the thought there should be a stronger concentration [he] where the security and stability of the governfrontier and not in the capital ment were never in danger. 9997 factors. Most obvious was Vincent's response can be explained by other where he attention be focused on the capital, his insistence that political would emerge. As a result, the believed the greatest threat to his regime life. The neremained disconnected from provincial peasant government from Haitian diplomats indicate glected calls for a stronger Garde presence Ultimately, Vincent was the low priority Vincentists placed on the peasantry. and would only worsen matters might aware that launching a counterattack Haiti and erode the veneer of possibly force the United States to reoccupy Vincent, who in 1937 had nationalism he spent nearly a decade constructing. outcome for a third term, knew that such an every intention of running and his cabinet also benefited would damage his public image. Vincent largesse and were not prepared to jeopardize considerably from Trujillo's of fear, political with El Benefactor. Thus, a combination their relationships source of personal capital disconceit, and a desire to maintain a major For these reasons the from reacting strongly. suaded the Haitian government international accord. elected to solve the debacle through president caution with Trujillo, news of the massacre was While Vincent exercised in Ciudad Trujillo broadcast around the region. A handful of U.S. journalists from covered the events in the U.S. press. Under pressure and Port-au-Prince Vincent finally decided to his minister of foreign affairs, Georges Léger, Vincent, in a cable to the United States. In mid-November, make an appeal Dominican investigation was "dragging that the to Roosevelt, complained "of irritation and tension to the greatout," thereby creating a situation and harmony of of the present interests of the two peoples est prejudice for an Inter-American Conciliatory their future relations. #98 Vincent pressed and the United States. Committee to include delegates from Mexico, Cuba, the Roosevelt, despite offering his "profound regret," regarding For his part, to to Vincent's wishes, alwas hesitant agree unfortunate "controversy," 32 The Postoccupation Dilemma an appeal Dominican investigation was "dragging that the to Roosevelt, complained "of irritation and tension to the greatout," thereby creating a situation and harmony of of the present interests of the two peoples est prejudice for an Inter-American Conciliatory their future relations. #98 Vincent pressed and the United States. Committee to include delegates from Mexico, Cuba, the Roosevelt, despite offering his "profound regret," regarding For his part, to to Vincent's wishes, alwas hesitant agree unfortunate "controversy," 32 The Postoccupation Dilemma --- Page 48 --- to the massacre in the U.S. press. 99 For though there was growing attention first real test of the efficacy of the Roosevelt administration it was the German, Italian, and Japanese aggression the Good Neighbor Policy. Rising exercise caution in its foreign made it necessary that the United States and former The fact that Haiti's new foreign minister in Washington the policy. Republic, Élie Lescot, did little to pressure ambassador to the Dominican to intervene did not help. State Department of the massacre could not be conDespite Vincent's best efforts, news to resolve the conflict, popular tained locally. While he used diplomacy two of the streets of Port-au-Prince after nearly years protest returned to called Less than a week after the event an underground party relative quiet. Haïtienne surfaced and began distributing pamthe Partie Révolutionnaire the main of former associates of Jolibois phlets in the streets. Composed in called for a in the 1935 dissolution, its pamphlets fils and senators purged overthrow of Vincent, whose quiescence and the march on Santo Domingo 100 Vincent was labeled a as of his collusion with Trujillo. was taken proof brutality on the border and "Negrophobe" who ignored Trujillo's cynical for the purchase of weapons and the maintenance wasted limited resources that waged an intensive of spies in the capital. Other pro-democracy groups campaign in the city followed this pattern. propaganda were Antoine Pierre-Paul, presiAmong the most prominent agitators and a former caco leader S. dent of the very small Haitian Labor Union, threatened to launch a both of whom galvanized small groups and Thezan, reaction as protesters staged revolt.' 101 There was also independent popular named Avenue disturbances around the capital, defacing the recently small downtown and holding a large requiem Trujillo (formerly Grande Rue) sign Faculty of the National for the victims. 102 The students at the Medical mass and small protests around the University left classes for a week organized brothers were clear: "Last October thousands of our city.' 103 Their stance was our has the border. In the face of that reality, government slaughtered across cannot remain solemn! : indignation. The country adopted a profound as blacks and as Haitians . : we must This is an offense to us all. We protest defend our dead." >104 is revealed in his these actions were of serious concern to Vincent That his fear that without U.S. intervencable to Roosevelt in which he expressed could "give rise to new of minds" in the capital tion, the "super-excitation 105 The situation in Port-au-Prince grew and more dangerous complications' than doubled in that the around the palace was more SO tense security much criticism from the officer corps November, a decision that aroused The Postoccupation Dilemma 33 is an offense to us all. We protest defend our dead." >104 is revealed in his these actions were of serious concern to Vincent That his fear that without U.S. intervencable to Roosevelt in which he expressed could "give rise to new of minds" in the capital tion, the "super-excitation 105 The situation in Port-au-Prince grew and more dangerous complications' than doubled in that the around the palace was more SO tense security much criticism from the officer corps November, a decision that aroused The Postoccupation Dilemma 33 --- Page 49 --- Océan Atlantique Ile dela ATortue TU Monte cristi Tm Haiti SI Domingue S Trujillo Azua port PrINC au Les cayes Antilles Mer Des made in November 1937. The CrOoss at the top oft the A Haitian-drawn map of Hispaniola of the victims of the 1937 massacre. Courtesy of Dominican border is in commemoration U.S. National Archives, USMC Records. of forces in the border towns to prevent who demanded greater deployment dealt with several of the October killings. 106 The Garde promptly a repeat the Palace. They also inspired a spate of smallsmall demonstrations near for the remainder of the presiscale protests that would erupt periodically small, limited, and dencylor Despite the fact that these initial reactions were to did perceive them as a portent of things easily quelled, the government The pro-government increased of all radical groups. come and repression described most of these demonstrations as Marxist inspired. this press the moribund communist movement influenced The extent to which used terms in is difficult to determine. The handbills provocative unrest Vincent, "the real enemy of the Haitian people. lambasting the "traitor" The U.S. sufficient evidence of communist agitation. Yet this was hardly the state of communist activities in minister, Frederick Mayer, in a report on ?' lacking the size the island, defined the protests of 1937 as "quasicommunist, countries.' 110 Lack of found in other Latin American Or level of organization however, that Marxist leaders of organized left-wing protest did not mean, to the massacre. In Paris, Jacques the RD and PCH remained unresponsive Vincent and Trujillo called "La critique of both Roumain wrote a scathing in November 1937. He was most Tragédie Haitienne" in the journal Regards which he blamed for the harsh in his treatment of Vincent's dictatorship, 34 The Postoccupation Dilemma of 1937 as "quasicommunist, countries.' 110 Lack of found in other Latin American Or level of organization however, that Marxist leaders of organized left-wing protest did not mean, to the massacre. In Paris, Jacques the RD and PCH remained unresponsive Vincent and Trujillo called "La critique of both Roumain wrote a scathing in November 1937. He was most Tragédie Haitienne" in the journal Regards which he blamed for the harsh in his treatment of Vincent's dictatorship, 34 The Postoccupation Dilemma --- Page 50 --- economic misery of the peasantry forced to leave their earn a meager living. He likened the labor country in order to tries to a modern slave trade with situation between the two counments on Vincent serving as the trader. His Trujillo as a Caribbean fascist stirred reaction comminister in Paris, who from the Dominican petitioned the French government to Roumain for his "violent and virulent" arrest and fine Ironically, it attack against a foreign power. 111 was among the forces entrusted with that the most organized the security of the state protest formed. Scarcely one month sacre, sixteen junior officers were accused after the masand topple his regime. of plotting to assassinate Vincent These lower-ranking, whom lost relatives in the mainly black officers, many of massacre, were irritated by the response. As one of the accused regime's flaccid Dominicans had plotters confessed in his deposition, "The already massacred thousands of military uniform was forced my brothers and I in to sit down and do nothing. P112 my angered by the moves of the head of the Palace They were most dant Durcé Armand, who, fearful Guard and Vincent's confiof the sible for the increase in the forces antigovernment threats, was responaround the Palace. The ever, lay with Armand. Various plot's origins, howformer reports claim that Armand Minister of the Interior Frédéric conspired with istration's weakened Duvigneaud to exploit the adminposition and the sympathy of for their slain countrymen." 113 many the officers shared Once Vincent was would be installed as president and overthrown, Duvigneaud Commandant of the Armand as head of the Garde, The Garde and Armand's rival, Colonel Calixte, who forewarned the Démosthènes P. president oft the plot, the According to Calixte, Vincent betrayed conspiracy. 114 only admonished Armand. removed Duvigneaud from the cabinet but When a cadre of Calixte's protect their leader by subordinates sought to attempting to assassinate Armand, diately incriminated. 115 The Calixte was immeGuard signaled attempted murder of the head of the Palace just how far the crisis had reached. Calixte fled the country, Facing charges of treason, settling in France and later the lic, where he would form a close Dominican Repubrelationship with the Vincent's tight control of the state Trujillo government. cal enemies he accumulated was threatening to unravel. The politithe over the course of his rule vulnerability of the regime, a coalition of regrouped. Sensing proached aging ex-president Borno senators unsuccessfully apment. Borno to persuade him to take over the pleaded with U.S. officials to force Vincent's governpanic that followed the resignation, as the Haitian-Dominican popular unrest could intensify. 116 By the time the offered controversy was hastily settled in January Vincent, who 1938 (Trujillo accepted, an indemnity of $750,000 to be paid to the The Postoccupation Dilemma 35 regrouped. Sensing proached aging ex-president Borno senators unsuccessfully apment. Borno to persuade him to take over the pleaded with U.S. officials to force Vincent's governpanic that followed the resignation, as the Haitian-Dominican popular unrest could intensify. 116 By the time the offered controversy was hastily settled in January Vincent, who 1938 (Trujillo accepted, an indemnity of $750,000 to be paid to the The Postoccupation Dilemma 35 --- Page 51 --- of the independent invesfamilies of the victims in return for a cancellation confidence in the government was severely crippled. tigation), coup and several of the guilty In 1938, Armand foiled another potential the situation that the executed. So volatile was officers were summarily 118 Instead he sought to protect his president briefly considered resignation."' removing potential completely revamping the Garde hierarchy, regime by them with his favorites, thereby establishing a patenemies and replacing dictators.' 119 By undermining the tern that would be repeated by future control of the country. In a of the Garde he was able to strengthen his power Vincent extemporized on the current speech at Les Cayes in December, Arguing that the situation and blatantly declared his regime a dictatorship. them has not attained the level which would permit "education off the people had a "mentality SO choose a chief of state," and that the Haitian majority to of this Vincent formally disarrested that it hardly appears to be century," democracy. 120 pensed with parliamentary resistance. The previous month five senaThis move met with immediate removed from office and arrested tors who vocally objected to Vincent were the activities. 121 Leftists capitalizing on popular upset for alleged subversive the regime. Since the anticommureemerged to form a unified front against were subject that members of the Communist Party nist law stipulated with other non-Marxist Marxists organized to immediate imprisonment, Démocratique joined forces with the groups. Max Hudicourt's La Réaction led by Beaulieu and Michel Parti Populaire Démocratique, a small party the Vincent and two other groups to form a coalition against Roumain, demonstration in dictatorship. The group organized a large antigovernment Most of the leaders severe retaliation by the government. 1938 that provoked narrowly escaped arrest by fleeing Haiti were arrested and jailed. Hudicourt and seeking exile in New York. 122 wrote retaliation members of the intelligentsia In the face of government for the United States not to frantic appeals to the State Department pleading chastised the Roosevelt intervene but to urge Vincent to step down. They dictators administration for lending support to the fight against European and Vincent to continue to rule in the Caribbean.' and allowing Trujillo radicals. Once Roosevelt agreed to U.S. U.S. blacks also lent support to the Walter White of the settlement, participation in the Haitian-Dominican of State Cordell Hull that former NAACP pleaded in vain with Secretary be sent to negotiate. 124 diplomat and NAACP official James Weldon Johnson "Friends of the Francine Bradley, head of the New York-based Likewise, 36 The Postoccupation Dilemma ators administration for lending support to the fight against European and Vincent to continue to rule in the Caribbean.' and allowing Trujillo radicals. Once Roosevelt agreed to U.S. U.S. blacks also lent support to the Walter White of the settlement, participation in the Haitian-Dominican of State Cordell Hull that former NAACP pleaded in vain with Secretary be sent to negotiate. 124 diplomat and NAACP official James Weldon Johnson "Friends of the Francine Bradley, head of the New York-based Likewise, 36 The Postoccupation Dilemma --- Page 52 --- the communist trials in 1934, rendered Haitian People; which protested to arrive at a solution to on the failure of U.S. foreign policy harsh judgment the crisis in Haiti.' 125 continued of politideclaration of a dictatorship, the repression The open and the execution of Garde officers, cal dissidents from the left and right, the disarray of interof whom came from influential families, exposed some the U.S. foreign minister, nal politics. In a dispatch to the State Department, fashion" with reported with dismay on the "Hitlerian Frederick Mayer, in the wake of the massacre. In a which Vincent dealt with his opponents U.S. revocation of the Cordell Hull, he offered a veiled plea for letter to order to the country. "If oft the Good Neighbor Policy to help bring principles "hands off internal politics and permit the constituwe maintain a policy of into a state of flouted, we may well find the situation developing tion to be and embarrassments? >126 anarchy with all its attendant disadvantages strategy. The next Vincent was able to avert disaster through political and greater and with declining popularity election was fast approaching reflected the heavy toll opposition, the president, whose weary appearance made it known that after a decade as the country's of the past three years, thus set in motion the mechanism for a leader he was going to step down. He smooth transition of executive power. Conclusion this first crucial phase in There are several points to consider in assessing who believed politics. Radical nationalists the trajectory of postoccupation could no longer do SO after in the rhetoric of a "Second Independence" of It is worth the reaction to the devastating events 1937-38. witnessing vindication of Haiti's African heritage reached pointing out that the Griot Although Vincent manfull flower in the two years following the massacre. it was clear safeguard his regime through dictatorship, aged to successfully third term. The predominantly lightthat he would be unable to sustain a well that another elite that supported his regime knew too skinned political They were also aware that the term would invite unfortunate consequences. elite urban youth added to popumélange of radical ideas circulating among the fabric of elite and, if unchecked, could threaten very lar resentment attitude of U.S. officials, who control. No less important was the changing nature of to make clear their concern over the unbending were beginning elite knew that in order to maintain the dictatorship.' 127 Finally, the political The Postoccupation Dilemma 37 --- Page 53 --- the power that Vincentisme assured, his successor had to be a man with enough political clout to negotiate with the forces-Trujillo, the United States, the Marxists, and the Garde-that had tested the mettle of the regime. The next president, more important, had to have a thirst for power SO insatiable he would guarantee the preservation of the Haitian status quo. In 1940 no other politician proved better suited for such a task than Élie Lescot. It is to his administration that we now turn. 38 The Postoccupation Dilemma --- Page 54 --- CHAPTER 2 Brown Power, Black Protest The Lescot Regime and the Culture of Resistance, 1941-1945 t When you consider the domestic economic and social problems of my country, it is a danger on tragedy to establish a racial and racist line in bordering In Haiti the white man has gradually Haiti. preservation of the Haitian status quo. In 1940 no other politician proved better suited for such a task than Élie Lescot. It is to his administration that we now turn. 38 The Postoccupation Dilemma --- Page 54 --- CHAPTER 2 Brown Power, Black Protest The Lescot Regime and the Culture of Resistance, 1941-1945 t When you consider the domestic economic and social problems of my country, it is a danger on tragedy to establish a racial and racist line in bordering In Haiti the white man has gradually Haiti. extended his economic influence to the detriment of the native element, and our political instability has aided this white exploitation. -MAX HUDICOURT, Jim Crow Menaces Haiti, uring the five years Élie Lescot governed enced notable Haiti, the country experitransformations in its political and social life. The disenchantment with Vincent's rule for his close associate Lescot, provided an unfavorable start whose conservative to contain the spread of radical administration was unable the impulses. More important, the opposition at the end of the thirties silencing of political consciousness would ensured that any resurgence in Lescot prove a serious threat to sought to circumvent this danger by political stability. state and deepening strengthening the power of the political and economic ties with the United Nonetheless, his efforts achieved only short-lived States. ferment created by the Second World success as the ideological War reverberated This chapter analyzes the loudly in Haiti. the progress of Haitian war years, the increasing society and economy during radicalization of the series of challenges that the urban populace, and the regime faced. Two The first is the nature of the Lescot major themes are addressed. and external factors regime and the ways in which internal served to shape its rule. Where phasize the prejudice of the previous accounts emtion of color administration, it is argued that the accentuadivisions, while indeed a defining characteristic, was more --- Page 55 --- tensions worsened by wartime accurately a result of class and economic especially the demands, the hostility of the traditional power structures, and the ambivalence of U.S. foreign policy. French clergy, the in Haitian The second part of the chapter examines developments these years. and the military during Marxism, culture, color consciousness, in the latter stages of the war The Marxist Left underwent a series of changes between the its career. The growing division that bore heavily on post-Lescot direction of the left, however, weaksocialists and the communists over the consciousness of the thirties ened its ability to challenge the state. The black these with new vigor and with new interpretations during also reemerged culture of resistance that exBoth movements served to create a urban years. the non-elite sectors of the panded the acceptance of noirisme among culture. of a radical political and contributed to the development population the Haitian Garde, which became increasThese transitions also affected these factors precipipoliticized after the massacre of 1937. Together, ingly demise after World War II. tated the regime's and Rubber: Haiti in the War Years Elite Rule, Religion, became of the republic. Lescot was On 15 May 1941, Élie Lescot president of St. Louis du Nord to a December 1883 in the northern town born on 9 in the north. Lescot's mother middle-class family. His family ties were strong Adelina, wife of to the court of Empress was reputedly once a lady-in-waiting (1847-1859 After infamous and emperor, Faustin Soulouque the president Haîtien, Lescot went to Port-auhis secondary education in Cap receiving Three years later, he returned to the Prince to pursue studies in pharmacy. St. Louis du Nord to a December 1883 in the northern town born on 9 in the north. Lescot's mother middle-class family. His family ties were strong Adelina, wife of to the court of Empress was reputedly once a lady-in-waiting (1847-1859 After infamous and emperor, Faustin Soulouque the president Haîtien, Lescot went to Port-auhis secondary education in Cap receiving Three years later, he returned to the Prince to pursue studies in pharmacy. in an exportand worked with a relative north, settling in Port-de-Paix Lescot began his ascenbusiness. After his first wife died in 1911, import life. In 1913 he was elected to the Chamber of dance in Haitian political the early years of the Seeing his political fortunes decline during Deputies. with his family in 1922 and lived there for occupation, he migrated to France in Port-deOn his return, he managed to secure a judiciary post four years. of education under the Borno regime. By Paix and then became a minister minister of the interior. north, settling in Port-de-Paix Lescot began his ascenbusiness. After his first wife died in 1911, import life. In 1913 he was elected to the Chamber of dance in Haitian political the early years of the Seeing his political fortunes decline during Deputies. with his family in 1922 and lived there for occupation, he migrated to France in Port-deOn his return, he managed to secure a judiciary post four years. of education under the Borno regime. By Paix and then became a minister minister of the interior. the time Vincent assumed power, Lescot was named the Dominican later he served a three-year term as ambassador to Four years alliance with Trujillo that at first Republic, where he forged an important and 1941 he was Haiti's served him well in his political career. Between 1937 foreign minister in Washington. international network of support After 1934 Lescot steadily built a strong 40 Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 56 --- of Foreign Service in the United States. Apart strengthened during his years well known in Washington, association with Trujillo, he was from his close and assurances of where he fraternized with important senators gained Confident of months prior to the election. political and economic support material in return Vincent "moral and tranquility" victory, Lescot promised for his endorsement. 2 favored candidate, Lescot's Although he was thought to be the most Politisupport in the legislature. nomination did not receive overwhelming and the Port-auand disgust for his connections with Trujillo cal desire black members of the lower chamber. The Prince bourgeoisie angered the Price-Mars, Frédéric came from four prominent deputies, Jean challenge Amilcar Duval, and Dumarsais Duvigneaud, the editor of Le Nouvelliste, that the country deputy from Verettes, all of whom argued Estimé, a young did not reflect color consciousness. needed a black president. 3 This position benefited from his in fact, close to Vincent and greatly All these men were, from a fear of unchecked abuses of regime. Rather, their opposition grew Individuelite that a Lescot win promised. power among the light-skinned in Haiti of their grave fear of the ally, these men alerted U.S. authorities was who, according to Price-Mars, consequences of a Lescot presidency, Nouvelliste Hitlerian idea" In the pages of Le Duvigneaud "steeped in the as a sign of his lack of patriotpointed to Lescot's associations with Trujillo these candidates found little encouragement ism. Despite their opposition, U.S. which conthe public, or the Legation, from their fellow legislators, U.S. Minister J. C. White's retinued to extend support to Lescot despite peated statements to the contrary. for Lescot in the local of support There was also a great outpouring endorsed his the independent paper Le Matin, which openly press, including valuable assets for the country. Le Mouvement worldliness and contacts as in the Senate by defending responded to the objections of his challengers of his race." of who is "the protector and pride Lescot as "a man history" experience and influence as L'Action Radicale celebrated his international caused to lead the country in this period of uncertainty "necessary qualities by the war."5 Lescot left nothing to chance. Even with public approval in the press, further weaken of his In an effort to Pressure was placed on all opponents. favor in the eyes of of the opposition and to win even greater the legitimacy circulated a rumor that German and the United States, Lescot supporters Panama to secured Axis funds through Italian merchants in Port-au-Prince these rumors were never subtheir anti-Lescot campaign. Although support Brown Power, Black Protest 41 in this period of uncertainty "necessary qualities by the war."5 Lescot left nothing to chance. Even with public approval in the press, further weaken of his In an effort to Pressure was placed on all opponents. favor in the eyes of of the opposition and to win even greater the legitimacy circulated a rumor that German and the United States, Lescot supporters Panama to secured Axis funds through Italian merchants in Port-au-Prince these rumors were never subtheir anti-Lescot campaign. Although support Brown Power, Black Protest 41 --- Page 57 --- Vincent, who still harbored ideas of remainstantiated and in fact denied by greater U.S. they did achieve the purpose of consolidating ing in power, support for a Lescot presidency." At the beginning of the in other quarters. Opposition to Lescot emerged led by Vincent's trusted circulated of a possible Garde uprising year rumors Garde should Lescot take office.? Lescot noneColonel Armand of the Palace Moreover, he wielded confident of U.S. support for his candidacy. theless was the support of the upper echelons his influence to gain, at least temporarily, before the election to waited until twelve days ofthe Garde. Lescot cunningly of the weakened in an effort to limit the reformation declare his candidacy victory with fifty-six out opposition." The election gave Lescot a unanimous Max margin, which then deputy of fifty-eight votes cast in his favor-a high intimidation and the later claimed was arrived at only after Hudicourt before the election.? beating of some legislators consolidated his power by reAfter his inauguration the new president he issued a decree institutions in the country. In June forming the key Garde and controlled all appointments and naming himself the head of the he appointed affairs. Lacking the political acuity of his predecessor, military members of the elite to major government posts, white and light-skinned of the Cabinet and Roger as acting including his own sons Gérard as Head appointof the Palace Guard. Critics balked at Lescot's Lieutenant Colonel post of finance minisAbel Lacroix, to the important ment of a Frenchman, cabinet members formed a small ter. Lacroix and several other high-ranking another connected to the president and one through clique, often personally family and business affairs." 10 elite patronage did of nepotism and light-skinned This entrenched policy black nationalist past. Contrary that Lescot was oblivious to Haiti's not mean Lescot was in fact well aware of the importance to common analyses of him, acknowledged it as justification of Haitian racial identity and occasionally celebraaddress at the annual Flag Day for his presidency. In his presidential Catholic church as agents he directly attacked the French tion in May 1943, referred to their part in manipulating and obliquely of European exploiters, toward a future SO that all may enjoy a internal color prejudice: "Let us work the white and that the enslavement of the Negro by greater social justice of liberty and heroism - be ended, may these cease in this land-land man the Negro. "11 A year later at the same event the exploitation of the Negro by this you should when you look upon flag he was more direct: "Young people, felt that morning of 1803contemplate it with the emotion our ancestors who insult your race to hate, to hate with all your soul those Icommand you 42 Brown Power, Black Protest prejudice: "Let us work the white and that the enslavement of the Negro by greater social justice of liberty and heroism - be ended, may these cease in this land-land man the Negro. "11 A year later at the same event the exploitation of the Negro by this you should when you look upon flag he was more direct: "Young people, felt that morning of 1803contemplate it with the emotion our ancestors who insult your race to hate, to hate with all your soul those Icommand you 42 Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 58 --- and sublime blue and red colors which these glorious and your country in Lescot's political actions and symbolize. >12 This seeming contradiction Black his vision of Haitian politics. public rhetoric can be explained by was a political nationalism for Lescot, as with other Haitian presidents, of race The celebration device used at key moments to win popular support. discourse of lightavoidance of color was a hallmark of the political and 13 More important, it was a since the nineteenth century." skinned politicians and abuse by the government. defense against charges of color prejudice conceal the grave probNonetheless, Lescot's position on race could not Lesrevealed in its economic policy. lems with his presidency, most clearly with the made good on his campaign promise to cooperate cot quickly following the Japanese bombUnited States in the war effort. Immediately Roosevelt's celebrated Pearl Harbor on 7 December 1941 and before ing at announced war on the Axis powers, promising to declaration of war, Lescot members of the Garde never Haitian forces."4 Although send all necessary his commitment in in the war, Lescot was able to demonstrate participated supported the war refugee effort by other ways. The Haitian government developed by of European Jews in Haiti, a program offering the placement Sosua in the North of the Dominican Trujillo with moderate success in later drew inter15 Lescot's enthusiasm for the short-lived project Republic. "whiten" Haiti.6 A program for the deploynational criticism as an effort to American nations workof Haitian laborers in Florida and other Latin ment introduced briefly and abandoned.' 17 Lescot's ing for the U.S. war effort was desire to international of the Allied cause emerged from a gain also to support financial aid from the United States, and notice and military and He took full advantage of these strengthen the power of the local oligarchy. and the suspending the constitution in 1942 having special circumstances by confer him with unlimited executive powers. parliament venture of considerable imporWartime expedience created an economic Atlantic cut off When the Axis blockade of the South tance to the regime. and the Dutch East Indies, the traditional rubber supplies from Malaya rubber cultivation. It was States looked for other possible sites for United referred to by its Haitian known that the cryptostegia vine (commonly long in rural Haiti had a high latex name, korne kabrit) that grew profusely had proved wartime production content that could be exploited. Although scheme during World disastrous in the past, as illustrated by a failed logwood cultivation. officials did not see any risks involved in rubber War I, Haitian first in 1903 during the era ofthe Attempts to develop rubber in Haiti began the real push for rubber boom in Brazil with two Belgian brothers. However, Brown Power, Black Protest 43 vine (commonly long in rural Haiti had a high latex name, korne kabrit) that grew profusely had proved wartime production content that could be exploited. Although scheme during World disastrous in the past, as illustrated by a failed logwood cultivation. officials did not see any risks involved in rubber War I, Haitian first in 1903 during the era ofthe Attempts to develop rubber in Haiti began the real push for rubber boom in Brazil with two Belgian brothers. However, Brown Power, Black Protest 43 --- Page 59 --- when studies were conducted in development arose in the late Vincent years there. The U.S. Departthe viability of rubber cultivation Haiti regarding Harris Bartlett, a professor of botany at the ment of Agriculture sent Harley in late 1940 to select high yield University of Michigan, to the Philippines the cryptostegia and them to Haiti to supplement hevea plants transport of rubber won support from Lescot plants. The U.S. plan for the cultivation that large-scale Minister Maurice Dartigue, who hoped and Agricultural effort and stimulate the local in Haiti would aid the war rubber production economyl" $5 million in the fall of Bank in Washington granted The Export-Import U.S. credit of $7 million in November the 1941 (later supplemented by in Haiti. This money financed the following year) to develop rubber plants Agride Développement development of the Société Haitiano-Américaine manager Thomas A. Fennell as general cole (SHADA) with U.S. agronomist in his third year as agricultural Fennell was and Dartigue as vice-president. the Vincent presidency to advisor in Haiti, having been appointed during and in a public works project. assist in agricultural development in 1941 gave the comwith the U.S. government The contract negotiated it with ample military support. pany free rein in its activities and provided settling on large commenced production in Haiti, That same year SHADA then eventually spreading across tracts of land in the northern countryside to make way for an estimated 47,177 acres were cleared the country. By 1943, would claim jurisdiction of Eventually SHADA the planting cryptostegia. of U.S. technicians worked with hectares of land. A team over 100,000 peasant farmers lured Fennell, and the large labor force mostly comprised rubber demands.20 from food crop cultivation to meet increasing to about the project, which he saw as an opportunity Lescot was excited and cooperation with the demonstrate his support for Pan-Americanism the five departHe energetically throughout Allied cause.21 campaigned the was not a move by the convincing local delegates that program ments, for control of the Haitian economy, but a governmentU.S. private sector for Haitian agricultural organization that provided a "big push sponsored from the would be put 9) and that the annual profits program development; debt and development of needed aside for the amortization of the national toward the modern- >22 He clearly believed that SHADA was a step resources. world. 23 A report in the government paper, Le ization ofHaiti in the postwar collaboration shared the president's optimism: "Our present Continental, it is America that we must with the USA is for the best of the countrybecause for the secret of democracy."ss look to in our search 44 Brown Power, Black Protest put 9) and that the annual profits program development; debt and development of needed aside for the amortization of the national toward the modern- >22 He clearly believed that SHADA was a step resources. world. 23 A report in the government paper, Le ization ofHaiti in the postwar collaboration shared the president's optimism: "Our present Continental, it is America that we must with the USA is for the best of the countrybecause for the secret of democracy."ss look to in our search 44 Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 60 --- farmers, 1942. Courtesy of SHADA to Haitian peasant President Élie Lescot explains Thomas Dudley Fennell. massive public relations camthe United States initiated a in EnFor its part, including an international newsletter, of the paign to promote the project, featured glowing reports on the progress of a glish and French, that often massive revenues, and photographs elaborate projections of company, the SHADA sites.25 trousmiling Lescot inspecting of rubber cultivation proved these expectations, the process access to Haiti's most arable Despite In order to get a blesome from the beginning. removed. The company invested families were forcibly rubber from the hevea trees, land, peasant of its funds trying to get The deconsiderable amount than was originally hoped. fewer yields that produced resentment an attempt the project raised considerable image struction that accompanied while maintaining a public government officials. Dartigue, taken, particularly in among was alarmed at the measures had been cut down and of vigorous support, million fruit-bearing trees to Jérémie, where nearly a Or razed.? 27 He implored Fennell the houses of peasants either invaded in its venture it had to understand that if SHADA was to succeed Haitian peasant and city dwellrecognize interests of the "the mentality and legitimate Brown Power, Black Protest 45 an attempt the project raised considerable image struction that accompanied while maintaining a public government officials. Dartigue, taken, particularly in among was alarmed at the measures had been cut down and of vigorous support, million fruit-bearing trees to Jérémie, where nearly a Or razed.? 27 He implored Fennell the houses of peasants either invaded in its venture it had to understand that if SHADA was to succeed Haitian peasant and city dwellrecognize interests of the "the mentality and legitimate Brown Power, Black Protest 45 --- Page 61 --- hostility toward the company. The ers"; failure to do SO would foster greater to he argued, was willing to do what was necessary guarantee government, after all methods of persuasion had been the success of the project, "but only twelve-point proexhausted." "28 To this end, Dartigue submitted a lengthy of land and the relocation of the peasants. posal for the acquisition rubber was a failure. Rubber all sides agreed that the project By May 1944 numbers for large export. The production was never produced in significant in 1943-1944 that further by a severe drought problem was aggravated problematic was the resulted in a bad harvest and low yields. Equally lobbying for in the U.S. Congress from oil interests increasing pressure The Allied victory in France in June 1944 petroleum-based synthetic rubber. end and forced a reevaluation of raised confidence that the war would soon of rubber A U.S. military attaché, following a survey all wartime programs. "The worst thing that can be said of production in the north, concluded: expense to [their operations] at a considerable SHADA is that they are doing does not command respect of and in a manner that the American taxpayer was reiterated in a 1944 report sponthe Haitian people: >30 This sentiment and the State Corporation, EX-IM Bank, sored by the Rubber Development termination and the which suggested the project's immediate Department, the 31 Fennell left for Puerto gradual return of displaced lands to peasants. and processing in with the Puerto Rican Agricultural Company, Rico to work though in Gonaïves was discontinued, all but a few experimental plants under the for ropemaking, remained operative some sisal manufacturing, direction of J. W. McQueen.2 would create massive that the cancellation of the program Realizing Lescot desperately urged the Rubunemployment and damage his prestige, reduction of the program Corporation to consider a slow ber Development the remainder of the war. When this was and its continuation for at least the State Dartigue to make a request to Department refused, he prompted and finance a rethe Haitian government for $1 million to compensate the out of fear it might He later withdrew request habilitation program. between the two governments. engender "controversy disaster, the government created in To offset the imminent economic that ambitious Five Year Plan for economic development June 1945 an for the creation of highways, encouragement projected. a substantial amount and expansion of public ofl local food crops such as coffee, cocoa, and cotton, in order to for work on the plan to begin immediately works. Lescot pushed that his political benefits for the fiscal year 1945-46. It was apparent reap of this venture. Yet the government was bankcareer hinged on the success 46 Brown Power, Black Protest , the government created in To offset the imminent economic that ambitious Five Year Plan for economic development June 1945 an for the creation of highways, encouragement projected. a substantial amount and expansion of public ofl local food crops such as coffee, cocoa, and cotton, in order to for work on the plan to begin immediately works. Lescot pushed that his political benefits for the fiscal year 1945-46. It was apparent reap of this venture. Yet the government was bankcareer hinged on the success 46 Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 62 --- rupt and ravaged by the disappointment of tions on shipping, the SHADA. With continuing restricperishable banana industry, still Fruit, suffered. Coffee maintained iby United exports dropped steadily Western European market following the loss of the during the war and the in The plan, moreover, glut the U.S. market. suggested little for the sands of peasants still immediate relief of the thouthe suffering from displacement and a low previous year, a point that was not lost on crop yield from the expense of SHADA. an agitated public bitter over Urgent demands from the State payment of $700,000 on amortized loans Department for a ments did not help. Lescot from the 1922 and 1923 agreeextension of unsuccessfully campaigned for a payment on the debt for the treasury funds twenty-five-year service of the Five Year Plan.34 With to be put to the personnel in the ministries, revenues dwindling, lack of skilled and only marginal increases in expenditures since Vincent, the country's agricultural moment its president economic crisis deepened at the expected the economy to be Perhaps the only real beneficiaries of flourishing, Haiti's were the urban bourgeoisie. Chief wartime economic policy Jamaican among them was O. J. Brandt, an elite entrepreneur who relocated to Haiti in fortune working with the Haitian 1911. Brandt made his during the Canadian bank in the war years, however, that he became thirties. It was was declared on the Axis most powerful. When war powers, the state confiscated owned by nationals from the Axis all property and assets nations. At the time, pany, the leading Reinbold and Comimport-export firm in Haiti, which fee, cotton, and oil trade, was owned controlled the cofily long established in the by a second-generation German famcountry. 36 The owners were Nazis, and imprisoned, and their arrested, tried as elite, much of it property was sold to the established landing in the hands of Brandt. With his of coffee-processing plants, new acquisition factories, and a Brandt specialized staff of quickly rose to become one oft the wealthiest foreigners, government named a medical men in the country. The national order of honor laboratory after him and gave Brandt the and merit. Later he would ping line in Haiti, 37 The attempt to build a shipfacilitated seemingly unchecked rise of Haiti's by government corruption wealthy elite economic divisions enlarged the already in the country. profound socioThe disgrace of economic failure was but one that regime. Equally challenge wracked the damaging was the the Catholic church anti-superstition campaign launched by against vodou in 1942. The surface motive campaign was the eradication of for the vodou practitioners that, superstitious tendencies perpetuated by according to the French clergy, kept Haiti in a Brown Power, Black Protest 47 ingly unchecked rise of Haiti's by government corruption wealthy elite economic divisions enlarged the already in the country. profound socioThe disgrace of economic failure was but one that regime. Equally challenge wracked the damaging was the the Catholic church anti-superstition campaign launched by against vodou in 1942. The surface motive campaign was the eradication of for the vodou practitioners that, superstitious tendencies perpetuated by according to the French clergy, kept Haiti in a Brown Power, Black Protest 47 --- Page 63 --- clash between the clergy and vodou practitioners retrograde state. The open in Cap Haïtien led a series dates back to 1896, when a prominent bishop Voodoo" in under the banner "League Against of gatherings and meetings against sought to win widespread support the north, which unsuccessfully from the Vincent administration vodou. 38 In 1935 the church found support when it outlawed superstitious practices. in the when small protests against vodou were reignited Early in 1941, capitalized on the furor and rural village of Hinche, the French clergy districts.9 In the campaign throughout the rural launched a systematic vodou tambous (drums) hounfos (vodou temples) were destroyed, provinces forced to renounce their devotion to were burnt, and practitioners were for the camAlthough there was clear historical precedent "superstition." indicated more urgent the systematic way in which it was launched paign, tensions. discussed below, and the percolating The rise in black consciousness, vodou's recognition in struggle between the ethnologists who championed imand the Catholic institutions suggest a more political national culture of considerable controversy, vodou petus for the raids. Already a source cultural factor worth site during the early forties. A became a contested of Haitian vodou in the considering was the impact of negative stereotypes travel books and horror States. Since the Great Depression, a spate of United exotic and horrific films released in the United States served to popularize intellectuals is eviof Haitian vodou. That this angered Haitian images and other eminent scholars during the denced by the writings of Price-Mars which was a notable problem to the government, time. It also presented of Haiti. As early as 1934, concerned with U.S. impressions then greatly lurid films set in Haiti such as White Zombie, the following the release of the country with placed restrictions on foreigners entering government Melville Herskovits found out on a movie cameras, as U.S. anthropologist that Vincent's 1935 research trip to Haiti,4o Kate Ramsey has suggested of Haitian between national forms law was issued in part to distinguish the peasantry." and folklore and the rituals of vodou practices among dance the French clergy, praised state sanctions Conservatives in Haiti, especially of the white in the late thirties. The harsh language against vodou practices terms only underwho referred to vodou practitioners in pejorative priests lined the racial aspect of the campaign." immediate factor was a reAlthough these factors were important, the the French clergy and U.S. Protestant groups, parligious dispute between 48 Brown Power, Black Protest between national forms law was issued in part to distinguish the peasantry." and folklore and the rituals of vodou practices among dance the French clergy, praised state sanctions Conservatives in Haiti, especially of the white in the late thirties. The harsh language against vodou practices terms only underwho referred to vodou practitioners in pejorative priests lined the racial aspect of the campaign." immediate factor was a reAlthough these factors were important, the the French clergy and U.S. Protestant groups, parligious dispute between 48 Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 64 --- then establishing colonies in the counticularly Baptists and Methodists, the during Protestantism in Haiti began growing among peasants tryside. Lescot also supported the brief practice the occupation. In the countryside, in the more Catholic regions of appointing Protestants as chefs de section to break the Marbial valley near Jacmel in the south, in an effort such as the ProtestantCatholic church there. 43 The French clergy rejected hold of the the hegemony of the Catholic which jeopardized ism's emerging strength, manifesto church. The clergy forced rejetés to recite an anti-superstition 44 By which included a clear anti-Protestant component. issued in Kreyol, the urban centers. In several neighborDecember, the campaign extended to artifacts, ordered the public burning of vodou masks, hoods, Catholic priests 45 Violent harassment was most acute and paraphernalia in the churchyards. three thousand where a French curé reportedly led nearly in the South, district to burn all animals considered possessed rejetés in the Cayes-Jacmel Included in the list, according to the report, was by lougawous (werewolves). by the president, who managed to recently appointed an Episcopalian priest, occurrences were repeated in Mireescape before the campaign. Similar prevented the eruption balais and Verettes. 46 In all cases police intervention in the violence. The campaign aroused widespread opposition of large-scale of fired shots in a chapel in and in the capital when a group protestors press district of Delmas on 22 February 1942 during a morning the middle-class of the Cathedral, Rémy Augustin. The Catholic mass presided by the Vicar hundred shots were fired by police newspaper La Phalange reported over two the church. 47 officers dressed as peasants in an effort to embarrass disavowal of the Nevertheless, the incident showed the government's In Le Soir, the anti-Catholic attacks in the press. campaign and strengthened church had incited a civil war that had Jean Magloire wrote that the Catholic Silvani, attending to be met with force. 48 The papal Nuncio Monsignor there celebrations in Santo Domingo, decided to remain Independence Day In the Dominican Republic, the and ordered the clergy to halt the campaign. he criticized the Listin Diario interviewed him. In the interview, newspaper describing the country as one Haitians for their "barbarous" superstitions, immediately declarthat knew very little Christianity. Lescot responded by ing Silvani persona non grata. 49 claimed that Lescot lent full With little evidence, scholars have long clear that he campaign, yet there is proof support to the anti-superstition and execution. 50 A point had only minimal involvement in its organization accounts is that the launch of the campaign preoften overlooked in most Brown Power, Black Protest 49 interview, newspaper describing the country as one Haitians for their "barbarous" superstitions, immediately declarthat knew very little Christianity. Lescot responded by ing Silvani persona non grata. 49 claimed that Lescot lent full With little evidence, scholars have long clear that he campaign, yet there is proof support to the anti-superstition and execution. 50 A point had only minimal involvement in its organization accounts is that the launch of the campaign preoften overlooked in most Brown Power, Black Protest 49 --- Page 65 --- months. That he was aware of the campaign ceded Lescot's election by two Carl Edward a letter he wrote in June 1941 to Father early on is evidenced by which he ordered the military Peters, a Catholic bishop in Port-de-Paix, in superviolence" in supporting Peters's program of combating "not to use any Catholic masses in Kreyôl.s Yet this is stitions through the promotion of statements backinsufficient proof of support. Lescot never made any public small assault and seems to have perceived the campaign as a ing the clergy's the Lecot insisted that he isolated occurrence. In a later reflection on events, intention of Father Peters's ultimate was "in the most complete ignorance" when he wrote the letter. 52 historians imalleging that Lescot gave support to the campaign, the By terms with the French priests. On plicitly suggest that he was on good >53 Lescot claiming that his was a "Catholic government," contrary, despite clergy that he deemed Haiti's in a struggle with the French was embroiled he took office. 54 With the conflict "main source of dissidence" well before forties, Lescot read strength in the early between state and church gaining and destabilize his the abuses of the clergy as an attempt to embarrass at an official reception for SHADA represenadministration., A participant at the noted that Lescot was "surprised speechless" tatives in May 1941 Catholic schoolboys gave him in the "fascist salute" French priests and presence of U.S. officials. 56 offering support, his Given his penchant for placating his opposition by to reduce the potential of Catholic letter to Peters was most likely an attempt and demonstrate his new powers as commander-inhostility to his regime calculated maneuver to chief of the Garde. It may have also been a shrewdly time that he was to the French clergy at the same give apparent support with U.S. bishops in the rural districts as slowly supplanting French priests the crusade escalated, Lescot of his program of Americanization. Once part members of the Garde who assisted the priests. threatened to court-martial the clergy in the press, which he He also backed the campaign against Monsignor Le after the Archbishop of Port-au-Prince, ordered to stop only Gouâze, made peace with him. 57 it continued ended, widespread reaction against Even after the campaign Roumain wrote a series The nonsectarian Jacques among the intelligentsia. that what the country of articles in Le Nouvelliste on the event, arguing superstitions, but a campaign against needed was "not a campaign against seldom singled critics of the campaign poverty." 58 Although contemporary under his watch was further cause for out Lescot, the fact that it occurred resentment. 50 Brown Power, Black Protest only Gouâze, made peace with him. 57 it continued ended, widespread reaction against Even after the campaign Roumain wrote a series The nonsectarian Jacques among the intelligentsia. that what the country of articles in Le Nouvelliste on the event, arguing superstitions, but a campaign against needed was "not a campaign against seldom singled critics of the campaign poverty." 58 Although contemporary under his watch was further cause for out Lescot, the fact that it occurred resentment. 50 Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 66 --- Marxist Dissent and Division faced strict persecution during wartime If the Nazis, real or imagined, and radical nathen the archenemies of the state, the communists Haiti, receive harsh treatment. Yet the communist tionalists, would expectedly the Lescot years that diminunderwent crucial changes during movement threat to the state. After leaving Europe and ished its role as a significant returned to the Caribbean in 1940 New York, its leader, Jacques Roumain, several months in became politically active. Roumain spent and once again the invitation of Havana from the end of the year to early 1941 through formed a close Nicolâs Guillén, with whom he fellow poet and communist 59 While in Havana he worked closely friendshipin Spain and France in 1937. contributed to the Socialist with the Cuban communists and occasionally 60 Encouraged by Noticias de Hoy, of which Guillén was an editor. Party paper, Vincent's opponents, Roumain reLescot's campaign promise to pardon turned to Haiti on 17 May.t communists in Cuba enHis encounter with active and well-organized the PCH with a Roumain, who immediately set about reforming couraged Around the same time, the pro-U.S. Lescot government. view of challenging returned to Haiti after two years in Roumain's associate Max Hudicourt with the CPUSA.S2 Among indicating that he had formed an alliance exile, together by both men were Routhe other radicals of the thirties brought Antonio Vieux, Marc Lafontant, Étienne Charlier, main's brother Michel, Charlier's downtown law and Christian Beaulieu. The group met secretly at sundered by radicals, it was a time to renew bonds offices. For the returning and movements forced exile and share their experiences with intellectuals in the United States, the Caribbean, and Europe. police of Roumain and Hudicourt, the Port-au-Prince With the return surveillance and spies followed immediately put the radicals under constant alleged that Roumain was promised a monthly their activities. Police reports movement in from Cuban leftists to develop a communist salary of $300 a sergeants' revolt in Haiti. It was also claimed that he planned to encourage need of a the and meet the "urgent an effort to overthrow government communist government." Roumain was, at least iniAlthough these reports may be exaggerated, the A crucial split in the PCH vanguard tially, committed to opposing regime. Roumain's call to action found thwarted any hopes of realizing it. in June Charlier, and Vieux, from other Marxists such as Hudicourt, little support reforms of the Garde and his subsequent who took very seriously Lescot's Brown Power, Black Protest 51 planned to encourage need of a the and meet the "urgent an effort to overthrow government communist government." Roumain was, at least iniAlthough these reports may be exaggerated, the A crucial split in the PCH vanguard tially, committed to opposing regime. Roumain's call to action found thwarted any hopes of realizing it. in June Charlier, and Vieux, from other Marxists such as Hudicourt, little support reforms of the Garde and his subsequent who took very seriously Lescot's Brown Power, Black Protest 51 --- Page 67 --- the risk all dissidents. Roumain would eventually appreciate order to arrest to realize the threat military against Lescot and had the foresight of agitating He stated as much in a conversation reform would pose to the government. "These [new] measures are a recorded by an undercover police officer: himselfbecausel he is but also to Lescot danger not only to [the communists]' be the Chef Militaire"4 Ironiwho has no idea of what it means to a man the member of the PCH to hold a governcally, Roumain, who became only on this point. under Lescot, parted company with his compatriots ment post and Charlier, "[They] are my friends but Roumain would say of Hudicourt socialists and I am a do not share the same political ideas. [They] are we between the socialist and communist tendencommunist. 65 The tensions role in undermining the cies among the PCH members played an important strength of the Marxist Left. workers his alienation from Port-au-Prince The schism in the movement, of his strongest his exile, and the continuing imprisonment due to five-year with few options to foment a strong opposially Georges Petit left Roumain seized and confiscated force. Moreover, in August, when the police tion he feared reimprisonment and gave up on communist literature he ordered, his energies the PCH. He thus began to focus the idea of reorganizing training he had elsewhere. He was most anxious to apply the anthropological in New York to the study of Haitian folklore. learned while in exile and no doubt aware that Concerned with Roumain's political agitation stature could have of a radical with as grand an international the persecution Lescot created a position for unfavorable implications for his government, Lescot offered Roumain the directorship the communist leader. In August, thereafter, Roumain began to Pétion, which he accepted. 67 Not long of Lycée school as an extension of the an idea for an ethnological work on developing decade earlier with Price-Mars. Lescot movement he started more than a October officially established it as a government approved the idea and on support PriceRoumain the director. With government institution naming as a school for the training of Mars also started an Institut d'Ethnologie, archaeology. The Buethnologists where Roumain taught pre-Colombian and excavation of arconcerned itself mainly with the classification reau enthusiastic about the project, supervising cheological sites. 68 Roumain was well as on the islands of minor excavations around Port-au-Prince as several museum in the La Tortue and La Gonâve, and establishing an ethnological little of the Bureau, Roumain did very politicapital. During his directorship series of technical ethnological writing, publishing instead a cal or literary a profile in his public studies.. As part of his activities, he maintained high 52 Brown Power, Black Protest classification reau enthusiastic about the project, supervising cheological sites. 68 Roumain was well as on the islands of minor excavations around Port-au-Prince as several museum in the La Tortue and La Gonâve, and establishing an ethnological little of the Bureau, Roumain did very politicapital. During his directorship series of technical ethnological writing, publishing instead a cal or literary a profile in his public studies.. As part of his activities, he maintained high 52 Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 68 --- intellectuals such as Guillén, who was in life and often chaperoned visiting Haiti in 1942. Roumain accepted a presMuch to the surprise of his contemporaries, for which he was in Mexico in October 1942, tigious post as chargé d'affaires that Roumain's decision was criticized. 70 Michael Dash has suggested widely Party which saw it as a good strategy at the "influenced by the Communist public positions. 71 Marxists placed in important time to have prominent with Lescot since however, appears to have developed a fraternity Roumain, director of the Bureau. His acceptance ofthe position he assumed the post as ground he found with the had much to do with the common in Mexico and the president's open support for the strongly anti-Nazi Lescot regime for Lescot, who had grown Soviet Red Cross. The appointment was a victory workthe country's most renowned communiste rouge worried about having his activities with the Bureau. with the peasantry through ing SO closely the government clearly expected With Roumain posted in a foreign country, that the communists would remain disorganized. large-scale of the movement rendered any Indeed, the fragmentation It did not mean, howof communist militants more unlikely. organization of the socialists. Charlier and Hudicourt fast ever, a reduction in the fervor vision of and "Americanizing" disenchanted with Lescot's policies "the grew his position that Haiti. By June 1941, Hudicourt was making public cannot of Lescot is the language of Vincent and [the country] language In the elections of 1941, another ten years of bluff."72 congressional was accept the During his campaign he Hudicourt ran for a seat in Assembly. Hudicourt chief, Captain A. N. Merceron. As a result, critical of the police and forced to seek refuge in the Dominibeaten by the police was physically reentered Haiti in 1942 and, after one and later New York.7He can Republic La Nation, was permitted to start a daily newspaper, year of negotiations, Hudicourt assumed the role of direcwhich first appeared on 5 April 1943.4 from Aux Alliés, a small and financed the paper himself with funds tor with other socialist sympathizers, Dr. Pétionville moviehouse he co-owned Georges Rigaud and Marcel Bauduy.75 black Marxist close to The editor of La Nation was Max D. Sam, a young Sam of former president T. A. Simon the Roumain brothers and grandson and became involved Sam was born in Port-au-Prince in 1912 (1896-1902). with his brother Justin in the Damien with activism when he participated late thirties when he worked strike. His radicalism grew more fervent in the Michel Roumain as a writer for Le Nouvelliste.7e with that the paper was a In its debut issue, the editors stated unequivocally Brown Power, Black Protest 53 was Max D. Sam, a young Sam of former president T. A. Simon the Roumain brothers and grandson and became involved Sam was born in Port-au-Prince in 1912 (1896-1902). with his brother Justin in the Damien with activism when he participated late thirties when he worked strike. His radicalism grew more fervent in the Michel Roumain as a writer for Le Nouvelliste.7e with that the paper was a In its debut issue, the editors stated unequivocally Brown Power, Black Protest 53 --- Page 69 --- the liberation of the masses from the political and social organ aimed at and foreign powers." >77 "avarice and discrimination of capitalist governments Marxist La Nation was the leading voice ofthe During the Lescot presidency, Marxist paper in Haitian Left and ultimately became the longest running and was widely influenced the young intelligentsia history. It significantly Most articles gave considerable circulated among literate urban workers. of the Red Army the with special concern over the progress attention to war, Latin American Marxists in Mexico, on the eastern front. Speeches from in their entirety. There and Cuba were translated and printed Argentina, and culture and the role also a series oft theoretical articles on socialism were in the struggle for autonomy in Algeria. of the USSR events, La was mainly devoted to international Although its reportage often suffered as a result. In July 1943, the Nation covered local stories and brother, who, in a police chief Merceron's paper ran an article criticizing the police chief threatened drunken brawl, shot four bystanders. In response this incibefore Lescot intervened." Following to kill his rival, Hudicourt, activities. This did not dent the paper refrained from reporting government their protest against however, that the directors of La Nation gave up mean, for example, fearing that impending legislative the government. Hudicourt, occasion for the to extend elections in 1944 would provide an government attention to the administration's continued to draw international its powers, he discussed these issues and pointed to failures. In a letter to Cordell Hull, since the by the United States occupation the "share of responsibility"bornel thus the ofthe "guilty"U.S. the current crisis in Haiti. It was duty in creating the of the and force Lescot to respect provisions government to intervene Atlantic Charter. 80 counselor of the Haitian In March 1944 Hudicourt was named juridical in of International Workers Organizations delegation sent to the Conference Hudicourt saw it as Though suspicious of Lescot's intentions, Philadelphia. of the conditions of urban to work toward the improvement an opportunity his absence, however, Lescot, beworkers and accepted the post. During to his control, debacle and the threat it posed leaguered by the SHADA of office for seven years, a revision of announced the extension of his term elections until after and the suspension of congressional the constitution, by refusing to serve at the conthe war. 81 Hudicourt responded strongly to that effect in behalf of Haiti and issued public statements ference on In his inaugural address on 15 May 1944, Philadelphia. Lescot was incensed. that the "injurious and malihe referred to Hudicourt specifically by stating of the administration by young "pseudo-defenders cious" campaign against 54 Brown Power, Black Protest for seven years, a revision of announced the extension of his term elections until after and the suspension of congressional the constitution, by refusing to serve at the conthe war. 81 Hudicourt responded strongly to that effect in behalf of Haiti and issued public statements ference on In his inaugural address on 15 May 1944, Philadelphia. Lescot was incensed. that the "injurious and malihe referred to Hudicourt specifically by stating of the administration by young "pseudo-defenders cious" campaign against 54 Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 70 --- tolerated. 82 Lescot made good on this threat by the proletariat" would not be a foreign decree laws in late May, stating that anyone given issuing two would be of treason and liable to mission and refusing to fulfill it guilty that Hudiretroactive for a year SO court-martial. The decrees were made revoked his Accordingly, the government court would be held accountable.", the United States, demanded and, under an extradition treaty with passport his immediate return to Haiti. Liberties Union, Hudicourt With the assistance of the American Civil to from the U.S. government and left Philadelphia secured refugee status for the remainder of the settle in New York, where he remained in exile exile, Henri There he worked with another political Lescot presidency* network of radicals sympathetic to the Rosemond, building an underground Haîtienne. As in L'Association Démocratique Haitian cause and developing from U.S. black intellectuals in 1940, he was successful in gaining support Peace, a pamphlet deHarlem and published in 1945 Haiti Faces Tomorrow's in the country, the abuses of the Haitian government and U.S. policy tailing professor of anthropology Regina "Gene" prefaced by Columbia University Weltfish."s with Le Réveil, was shut month after Hudicourt left, La Nation, along A that sought to divide the down by the government for "raising questions trouble," and each other, for "sowing hate and fomenting citizens against of disorders' 86 The paper was also for their attempt to "make Haiti a ground in detail below. revolt against Lescot, discussed implicated in a sergeants' Roumain conducted his diploFar removed from these events, Jacques Haiti at the First functions in Mexico in fne fashion. He represented matic and as founding secretary was Inter-American Congress on Demography, Institute of Afro-American instrumental in establishing the International Ortiz, Melville which included international luminaries Fernando Studies, His tenure in Mexico marked a return to Herskovits, and Alain Locke.s7 that would and in late 1943 he completed a manuscript literary writing, of Caribbean literature, Gouverneurs become his chefd'aeuvre and a hallmark deteriorated rapidly Rosée of the Dew). His health, however, de la (Masters during his incarceration, from during these years. The malaria he contracted related to recovered, coupled with health problems which he never fully extended his term of office and alcoholism, weakened him. When Lescot him and elections, Roumain considered challenging postponed legislative the numbers of which 88 Fellow communists, returned to Haiti on 7 August. final of the war, expected among the youth during the stages were growing the and seriously reorganize him to repudiate his allegiance to government Brown Power, Black Protest 55 incarceration, from during these years. The malaria he contracted related to recovered, coupled with health problems which he never fully extended his term of office and alcoholism, weakened him. When Lescot him and elections, Roumain considered challenging postponed legislative the numbers of which 88 Fellow communists, returned to Haiti on 7 August. final of the war, expected among the youth during the stages were growing the and seriously reorganize him to repudiate his allegiance to government Brown Power, Black Protest 55 --- Page 71 --- For party members this was even more urgent the PCH as a legitimate party. Beaulieu, had died suddenly as the PCH's other founding member, Christian of the liver were dashed, however, when cirrhosis in 1943:0 His plans death at an early age claimed his life on 18 August. Roumain's unexpected world. Cahiers d'Haiti with shock in Haiti and around the was received Roumain in which the contributors published a lengthy tribute issue to of Haiti's most talented disappointment at the loss of one expressed deep intellectuals." 90 the closure of La Nation, and The deaths of Roumain and Beaulieu, blow exile during these uneasy years dealt a severe Hudicourt's continuing Marxist Left in Haiti. There was cause for to the hopes of a revival of the intellectuals ofthe when a group ofl leading concern on the part government including Michel Roumain, from the southern province of Jérémie, mainly Emile Roumer, Roussan Camille, Jean Brierre, Anthony Lespès, Max Sam, Roumain's funeral.1 Blanchet, arranged a meeting shortly before and Jules from the radicals. He ordered Lescot seized this opportunity to win support to attend the to them from Jérémie to the capital the Haitian Air Force fly after a dinner at of the That evening, as funeral special guests government. five-hour session with Lescot in the palace in their honor, the leftists had a of the country. For discussed literature, politics, and the future which they for radical intellectuals Lescot it was a contrived display of admiration the Most of the participants saw through long shunned by the bourgeoisie. few members willing of his gesture. 92 Nonetheless, there were transparency and especially lead the movement in the face of government repression to police keeping close tabs on their with FBI agents and the Port-au-Prince activities. 93 communists were forced to remain While the first generation of Haitian a cadre of the latter of the war, Marxism blossomed among silent in stages lead the charge in its intensely radical students who would eventually young, The success of their challenge, however, explosion on the political scene. of black consciousonly because of the phenomenal expansion was possible when the ideas of the noiristes of the thirties found ness during the war years powerful expression among the popular classes. Black Consciousness in the Forties Haitian black conoccasioned by the war invigorated Global changes movement in the early forties was sciousness. The spread of the négritude confirmation of their the Griot writers of the thirties as a heralded by 56 Brown Power, Black Protest , The success of their challenge, however, explosion on the political scene. of black consciousonly because of the phenomenal expansion was possible when the ideas of the noiristes of the thirties found ness during the war years powerful expression among the popular classes. Black Consciousness in the Forties Haitian black conoccasioned by the war invigorated Global changes movement in the early forties was sciousness. The spread of the négritude confirmation of their the Griot writers of the thirties as a heralded by 56 Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 72 --- the Haitian movement into a pan-African orbit. arguments. It also brought in the thirties among movement, which began in France The négritude of the currents in global black French colonial students, drew on many The In this regard, it closely resembled Haitian indigénisme. consciousness. reach. Where indigénisme attempted to reconcrucial difference was in its a theory of cultural space, négritude aimed at defining struct the Haitian black world. 94 For the Griots of cultural difference applicable to the entire and validation of the fundamental racial psychologthe thirties, this meant a the fact that between blacks and whites. Notwithstanding ical differences the biological argument, nor the négritude never explicitly acknowledged similarities were indeed signifianti-milat tendencies of noirisme, the strong the fact that the early négritude writers, like many cant. Most important was earlier, found in of the writers from the Harlem Renaissance a generation Aimé Césaire, black culture. Haitian history the roots of an independent where négritude visit to the island in 1945, noted that Haiti was following a provided the interFor the noiriste writers of the period, négritude began. national solidarity they long sought. with black intellectuals Haitian black nationalism also resonated strongly durThis intellectual relationship expanded greatly in the United States. remained foremost in the U.S. the first half of the forties when Haiti ing 96 Black intellectuals in the United States, black view of global black politics. Rayford Logan, Hughes and Howard University professor such as Langston Faced with their own formed close associations with Haitian intellectuals. crisis of World War in the United States and the global civil rights struggles of racial black intellectuals found in Haiti a strong example II, many U.S. of U.S. on the island change. The effects imperialism pride and revolutionary was surprised to see that them. On a trip to Haiti in 1942, Logan Portupset visit in the early thirties and that poverty was worse since his previous American than 1934. >97 au-Prince was "still poor and black" and "more considerable intellectuals in the United States who paid Other leading black Zora Neale Hurston, attention to Haitian affairs shared such consternation. published books on Haitian history, Langston Hughes, and Arna Bontemps tireless advocate for the imWalter White became a and NAACP secretary of Haiti in North America. provement of the stereotyped image Anglophone Caribbean development among There was a simultaneous and George Padmore. such as Trinidadians C. L. R. James black intellectuals The Black Jacomonumental work on the Haitian Revolution, The former's of the revolution within a traditional bins, presented a racialized perspective World nationalism, and was an Marxist framework as a model for Third Brown Power, Black Protest 57 ontemps tireless advocate for the imWalter White became a and NAACP secretary of Haiti in North America. provement of the stereotyped image Anglophone Caribbean development among There was a simultaneous and George Padmore. such as Trinidadians C. L. R. James black intellectuals The Black Jacomonumental work on the Haitian Revolution, The former's of the revolution within a traditional bins, presented a racialized perspective World nationalism, and was an Marxist framework as a model for Third Brown Power, Black Protest 57 --- Page 73 --- of Haitian history in the African important part of a general reappraisal States and the Caribbean, Black discourse on Haiti in the United Griot Diaspora. of color, had parallels with the though less specific on the question interpretation of history. for a race-based The net effect of these developments was greater support movethe Griots ceased to exist as a collective political ideology. Although excited the role that Haiti several of its adherents were by ment at this point, elsewhere. But international deplayed in black consciousness movements state of noirisme in the velopments only partially explain the transitory the evolution it is necessary to examine forties. To understand its popular in Haitian life under Lescot. social and cultural changes extended primarily to prohibitions on public meetings Since government of freedom in which they black intellectuals had a certain degree Marxists, of clubs formed during this period, creating a could hold meetings. A series clubs de dimanche were held for debate. These so-called vibrant atmosphere various members of the black intellionce a week. Groups of students and and social science, would meet and discuss literature, history, art, gentsia nationalists and the ethnologiincluding the writings of ninetenth-century cal work of the Griot writers. of Port-au-Prince, The meetings took place in the popular neighborhoods attendance. At and had a cross-class such as Bel Air and Bas-Peu-De-Chose, debated. The condition of much oft the ideas of noirisme were these meetings of the Lescot administration toward blacks at the time and the arrogance Emile St. Lôt, a politically of discussion. color prejudice was a frequent topic de dimanche, also formed his ambitious lawyer who was a regular at the clubs blacks from the L'Amicale, in 1944, which prioritized own discussion group, Le Cénacle d'Études, led by Dr. middle and popular classes as members. Salomon, also emerged of former president Lysius René Salomon, grandson during this time. 98 discourse in the forties. noiriste There were other contexts shaping a crucial role in the culture and social life played Changes in Haitian popular the camblack consciousness. In the wake of anti-superstition diffusion of vibrant movement for the dePrice-Mars and Roumain launched a shift paign, Haitian folklore. Furthermore, the regional fense of vodou as central to America struck a responsive toward national folklore in Latin in attitudes Haitian elite who claimed newfound chord among certain sectors of the at the African In September 1942, a performance pride in their ancestry. which featured vodou-inspired Rex Theater entitled L'Heure d'Art Haitien, received favorable and songs, drew a capacity crowd and dances, poems, 58 Brown Power, Black Protest Roumain launched a shift paign, Haitian folklore. Furthermore, the regional fense of vodou as central to America struck a responsive toward national folklore in Latin in attitudes Haitian elite who claimed newfound chord among certain sectors of the at the African In September 1942, a performance pride in their ancestry. which featured vodou-inspired Rex Theater entitled L'Heure d'Art Haitien, received favorable and songs, drew a capacity crowd and dances, poems, 58 Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 74 --- 99 This rebirth was manifest strongly in the phenomenal reviews in the press. evolution of the Haitian arts movement. relations mid-thirties Haiti began to expand its cultural Beginning in the its nascent tourist induswith the rest of the world in an effort to develop traveled to such as DeWitt Peters and Selden Rodman try,00 U.S. artists in the establishment of a Centre Haiti and, in the case of the former, assisted at the support from Lescot. Surprised d'Art in 1944, with considerable former teacher with the talent he found in Haiti, Peters, a level of untapped the who had long produced English school, promoted artists from peasantry during culture. Most of the paintings produced art reflective of indigenous of life, vodou iconography, this period were stirring visual records peasant in the history of the country's long independence. and traumatic episodes was immediate and response to the Haitian art movement The positive acclaimed for their works overseas, and the enduring, Haitian artists were appreciation of indigenous art locally was strengthened. of a in Haitian art was matched by the development The expansion dancer Katherine Dunham went vibrant folkloric dance movement. Chicago used in her repertoire. traditional dances that she later to Haiti to study movement by sending a troupe led by Lescot himself supported the folklore Conto participate in a Pan-African Lina Mathion Blanchet to Washington in the U.S. press. 102 This ference in 1941 that aroused considerable praise whose father, and dancer Emerante de Pradines, troupe featured singer composer. On returning Kandjo, had been a renowned tumn-of-the-century performed a regular de Pradines, along with Martha Jean-Claude, to Haiti, where they often sang renditions of tradiconcert series at the Rex Theater, life. 103 tional vodou songs, then a novelty in Haitian social the art movements ever took an opposition Neither the folklore nor from the bourthese years. In fact, folklore found tacit support stance during at popular Port-auattended folkloric performances geoisie, who religiously Choucounne and the Voodoo Club on the Prince nightclubs such as Cabanne like the ideas of the weekends. 104 Though celebrating Haiti's African past, threat to decade, these movements were never a Griots during the previous however, is a deepening of hegemony. What they illustrate, milat political of notions of Haitian identity. racial pride and a redefinition of this movement was the classes that the potential It was among popular of a interpreted through the development proto-commercial most radically Haiti in the by the marines, became Haitian music. Jazz, introduced to 1920S derivative of U.S. the youth in the mid-thirties. The Haitian popular among Cuban and Dominican styles jazz (commonly spelled djazz) incorporated Brown Power, Black Protest 59 What they illustrate, milat political of notions of Haitian identity. racial pride and a redefinition of this movement was the classes that the potential It was among popular of a interpreted through the development proto-commercial most radically Haiti in the by the marines, became Haitian music. Jazz, introduced to 1920S derivative of U.S. the youth in the mid-thirties. The Haitian popular among Cuban and Dominican styles jazz (commonly spelled djazz) incorporated Brown Power, Black Protest 59 --- Page 75 --- with the traditional U.S. format. The formation Jazz des Jeunes, in of the popular dance band, 1942 was an important in noiriste ideas to the urban development the diffusion of populace. With members black middle class, the coming from the new ten-piece group fast became political movement. The sympathetic to the black group responded strongly to the call dressing in "folkloric garb" and of indigénisme their musical integrating traditional vodou structure. 105 In Caribbean rhythms into what Gérard Béhague has countries, music often assumes called "counterhegemonic elimination of political and economic strategies toward the subordination. "106 In long existed as a means of expressing Haiti, music had nationalism and During the 1929 strikes, Haitian band political discontent. for example, leader and composer Occide played his revolutionary piece Jeanty, an act of protest. 107 It is therefore 1804 on the Champ de Mars as sistance not surprising that this tradition of expression in Haitian music would readvent of proto-commercial grow more forceful with the music. Together with the other leading band of the time, leader incorporated vodou Orchestre Saïeh (whose performance and songs into his music), Jazz des Jeunes made American styled sic. 108 In content and popular the vodou-djazz form of Haitian muform, they strayed from the and explicitly championed Haitian traditional French styles frequently used Kreyôl cultural authenticity. Jazz des Jeunes also the social expressions and proverbs to cast bitter comment cleavages in the country and issue subtle on light-skinned elite. A line from the chorus invectives against the "Moun ki natifnatal, ki of "Natif Natal" illustrates this: vreman nasyonal" (People who are truly national). 109 In a later native-born are song, "Anciens jeunes, >) ing self-assessment: "Jazz des they offered the followJeunes is the Haitian Their pride, their is people's treasured child. dignity, to eat their own food. from they love being ancient. By Living their Garden, extolling the foreign, you Haitian commercial music therefore betray only yourself."no amplified ness and became an Haitian black consciousimportant vehicle for its cording to ethnomusicologist dissemination. It was, acblack P111 Gage Averill, "in short an advertisement for power' The dissemination of black consciousness mance was assisted by the through music and perforexpansion of Haitian radio. Like introduced to Haiti by the U.S. marines in jazz, radio was launched the first 1926. In 1935 Ricardo Widmaïer commercial radio station in the there were seven radio stations country, HH3W. By 1948 decade, radio would operating in Port-au-Prince. 112 In the next play a critical role in Haitian Haitians in closer contact with political life, bringing international events and a forum providing Brown Power, Black Protest perforexpansion of Haitian radio. Like introduced to Haiti by the U.S. marines in jazz, radio was launched the first 1926. In 1935 Ricardo Widmaïer commercial radio station in the there were seven radio stations country, HH3W. By 1948 decade, radio would operating in Port-au-Prince. 112 In the next play a critical role in Haitian Haitians in closer contact with political life, bringing international events and a forum providing Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 76 --- could reach the largely illiterate populace. In through which political figures outlet for the expression of however, radio was an important its early phase, Intellectuals such as Dantès Bellegarde ideas through music and discussion. evening. 113 would have debates on HH3W every Tuesday and Félix Magloire resulted in a decline in the supply of During the war, import shortages audience demands on radio French and American records at the same time stations exincreased. 114 To alleviate this problem, entertainmentoriented des Jeunes. of in-studio concerts of groups such as Jazz panded the practice industry in the country, these Since there was no fully developed recording of black conThese public expressions performances were very popular. extending its reach from infused noirisme with greater force by sciousness of the black intelligentsia to the popular the porches and drawing rooms classes. Daniel Fignolé: "The Moses of Port-au-Prince" in the Haitian arts, intellectual life, and communiWhere developments conscience, it was the progress of cations brought noiriste ideas to popular The Haitian labor that assured its full penetration. the labor movement for most of the century, which had been small and unorganized movement, Jolibois fils formed a small union of began to form during these years. Joseph nationalist atin 1930, the PCH, and other groups artisans and peasants However, the lack of any sustempted to form syndicates under Vincent. of Haitian labor in the stunted the growth tained organization or leadership Vincent strict cenof the occupation. In addition, the regime's latter stages of labor activities sucof forces and careful monitoring sure opposition in Haiti. Restraints on labor were, to be cessfully subdued mass organization law insisted on by the Lescot regime. A government sure, carried through of workers associations. 115 the presence of a police officer at all meetings Thus prior assume the rigidity of the previous regime. This did not, however, limited potential for the developto the early forties, there was extremely labor movement in Haiti. ment of a meaningful shift that had been occurAdded to this was the important demographic these years. The promise of greater employring in Port-au-Prince during produced an intrain the urban centers from the late occupation years ment the end of the forties, the island drift from the provinces to the capital. By Port-au-Prince had increased to approximately 142,100, total population of the working born outside the capital.u6, As a consequence, nearly half being 80,000 urban dwellers over the age expanded with an estimated population Brown Power, Black Protest 61 --- Page 77 --- POPULATION OF PORT-AU-PRINCE, PRINCIPAL ACTIVITIES OF THE AGES TWELVE AND UP, 1949 Women Total Men Activity 34,882 43.233 78,115 Economically Active 53.203 25,254 27.949 Workers 15,284 24,912 9,628 Unemployed 17,198 25,092 Economically Inactive 7,894 9,148 9,148 Housewives 5,654 12,700 Students 7,046 POPULATION OF PORT-AU-PRINCE, PRINCIPAL ACTIVITIES OF THE AGES TWELVE AND UP, 1949 Women Total Men Activity 34,882 43.233 78,115 Economically Active 53.203 25,254 27.949 Workers 15,284 24,912 9,628 Unemployed 17,198 25,092 Economically Inactive 7,894 9,148 9,148 Housewives 5,654 12,700 Students 7,046 Disabled 1,760 2,054 Elderly Others 2,765 4,186 1,421 No information 63,196 107.393 Total 44.197 de la ville de Port-au-Prince, 24 January 1949, table 8. Source: Recensement active population, both employed and of sixteen among the economically formative base for labor organizaThisincrease established a unemployed. devoted exclusively to workers' issues, tion. By 1942, Le Peuple, a newspaper though it would only last for a year. was launched, made tentative steps to form a working-class The communist movement of the PCH. Its weakened during the early years base in Port-au-Prince successful impact. Radiposition in the mid-forties, however, prohibited any were also their championing of workers' causes, cals from the elite, despite color and most likely of Lescot's politics popularly viewed as beneficiaries Noirisme, on the as less committed to changing the status quo. seen by some for the creation of a political class truly other hand, forcefully appealed workers thus looked to represenrepresentative of the black majority. Urban the class middle class, with strong familial ties in working tatives of the black of the forties stood in stark contrast to to lead them. The new labor leaders social standing decades in that they had achieved reputable those of previous of the popular classes. education and reflected the aspirations through the burgeoning philosomore epitomized No other political personality an effect on its course, of the labor movement, nor had as monumental phy 62 Brown Power, Black Protest hand, forcefully appealed workers thus looked to represenrepresentative of the black majority. Urban the class middle class, with strong familial ties in working tatives of the black of the forties stood in stark contrast to to lead them. The new labor leaders social standing decades in that they had achieved reputable those of previous of the popular classes. education and reflected the aspirations through the burgeoning philosomore epitomized No other political personality an effect on its course, of the labor movement, nor had as monumental phy 62 Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 78 --- the charismatic FigDaniel Fignolé. At a young age, than Pierre-Eustache influential figures in pre-Duvalier Haiti. nolé rose to become one of the most of leader, Fignolé had the majority support More than any other political of the era. workers and thus proved to be a threat to every government urban southern coastal town of Pestel. Although Fignolé was born in the small J. N. experience, as his grandfather, poor, his family had some political nineteenth century. The Pestel as senator in the late Fignolé, represented in 1927 at the age of fourteen, Daniel migrated to Port-au-Prince young father. Raised by his paternal uncle, Job, Fignolé following the death of his of Port-au-Prince's most did well in his subjects and won a place at one chronic malschools, Lycée Pétion. His poor health, caused by prestigious his mother's income forced Fignolé nutrition, and the need to supplement at Lycée Pétion. while still completing his education to seek employment mathematics tutor for his more privileged Fignolé found a job as a private the elite. enrolled classes in the salons of Fignolé classmates, often holding depenbut had to withdraw due to his family's growing in law school in 1938 tuberculosis in 1940 for which he dence on his income and a serious bout of mother later that year, With the death of his was twice hospitalized.n" at full-time, becoming a mathematics professor Fignolé went into teaching St-Martial, and Collège Odéide. Lycée Pétion, Petit Séminaire Collège of his accellike that of many generation, Fignolé's initial radicalization, created by the war. His ideological sympaerated with the global changes combinathem during these years, were a rough thies, as far as he expressed of Léon democratic ideals of Roosevelt, the socialist thinking tion of the Louis Joseph Janvier and Jean Blum, and the writings of Haitian ideologues ideas were the discusPrice-Mars. What most influenced Fignolé's political frequented the noirisme in which he regularly participated. Fignolé sions on relished engaging in debates with light-skinned clubs de dimanche, where he of who would intellectuals. He often had the support of his students, many turn up just to hear him. 119 what was to become a then in his mid-twenties, began In 1941 Fignolé, with the small journal Le Réveil. After prolific career as a political writer Déjean, Amilcar stint with Le Réveil, Fignolé, along with Joseph a brief Mesmin Gabriel, launched their own Lamy, Kléber Georges Jacob, and tone of the paper was often newspaper, Chantiers, in 1942. The ideological and liberalism. In and shrouded in the current language of democracy vague committee noted that the goal of the paper was its debut issue the editorial and culture true democracy in the freedom, equality, to "establish in [Haiti] considerable focus to the of the nation. 120 In early issues, Fignolé gave Brown Power, Black Protest 63 brief Mesmin Gabriel, launched their own Lamy, Kléber Georges Jacob, and tone of the paper was often newspaper, Chantiers, in 1942. The ideological and liberalism. In and shrouded in the current language of democracy vague committee noted that the goal of the paper was its debut issue the editorial and culture true democracy in the freedom, equality, to "establish in [Haiti] considerable focus to the of the nation. 120 In early issues, Fignolé gave Brown Power, Black Protest 63 --- Page 79 --- Daniel Fignolé. From Chantiers, 1946. Courtesy of Bibliothèque Nationale d'Haiti. He was not, at the time, concerned principally government's social policies. to the need for education many of his articles with labor issues, devoting that Lescot would not be successreform. In a typical article, Fignolé warned address Haiti's economic malaise if he did not properly ful in dealing with in schools across the called for an increase primary education. Fignolé number of school-age children. In excountry to meet the ever-increasing in Haiti, Fignolé and the fundamental problems of social inequity plaining noiriste of Haitian histhe contributors to the paper adopted a perspective elites. "The lazy, evident in their harsh critique of the light-skinned tory, bourgeois way of life is an insult to the selfish, egotistical, and sectarian of a class swollen with of the peasant who works for the pleasure in poverty descendants of Toussaint and Dessalines are abandoned prejudice; . the he argued, was an and 99 The solution to this predicament, filth ignorance." heritage guided by strong and affirmation of Haiti's proud revolutionary sick and in its collective black leaders: "Haitian society is very that capable of national and racial solidarity! Against aberration, loses all sense of the nation it is time that all perilous tendency and for the continuity will black, are black and we stay conscious Haitians raise their voices. . We proud of our origins and proud of our glorious past. 64 Brown Power, Black Protest 99 The solution to this predicament, filth ignorance." heritage guided by strong and affirmation of Haiti's proud revolutionary sick and in its collective black leaders: "Haitian society is very that capable of national and racial solidarity! Against aberration, loses all sense of the nation it is time that all perilous tendency and for the continuity will black, are black and we stay conscious Haitians raise their voices. . We proud of our origins and proud of our glorious past. 64 Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 80 --- of the times, Fignolé's critique of Lescot was Given the repressive nature of the period that were purposefully indeed bold. Unlike other radical papers more direct. He in their reference to the government, Fignolé was vague take its in the postwar world, it was argued that if Haiti was to place "Mr. concerned with the underprivileged. necessary that it had a leadership Lescot retaliated he warned, "the hour of the people is at hand."2 Lescot," down Chantiers, terminating Fignolé's to these charges by forcibly closing him under strict instructor in the government schools and keeping post as police surveillance." 123 continued to write for other papers, sharpDespite the repression, Fignolé Réveil undert the Jean of the elite. Writing for Le pseudonym ening his critique known fact that in commented in 1943 that "it is a universally Sadors, Fignolé dupe the people, the conditions under the countries where the bourgeoisie different." 27 It was, these two classes evolve will naturally be totally which men of the masses" who could be expected Fignolé argued, "the enlightened consciousness" in Haiti. to develop a 'proletarian Fignolé devoted himself With limited income and no steady occupation, time that Fignolé activism. It was during this more fervently to political confident and dramatic speaker, Figbecame prominent in labor issues. A held of the classes and often impromptu nolé believed in the power popular fast-paced pubmeetings in downtown Port-au-Prince. Fignolé's passionate modulations in his addresses were delivered in Kreyôl and punctuated by lic timbre and a sharp squeal, which he voice that oscillated between a deep domestics, and effect. His command over the laborers, deployed for greater Fignolé's mastery of political urbanites fast became legend. unemployed to sway his followers was emphasized symbolism and extraordinary capacity a powerful gesture his insistence that he be referred to as "le professeur," by basic education remains a luxury. 125 in a country where Fignolé had no interest in Though attracted to socialist philosophies, of whom numcommunism or the Marxism of the young radicals, many an 126 As his early writings make clear, Fignolé was bered among his students. reduced black nationalist who, more than his noiriste counterparts, ardent between black and milat. This Haitian politics and history to a struggle the class he averred, was the fuel that ignited fundamental color struggle, ideas were less developed that plagued Haiti. His black power inequities avoided discussions of biological superiority than the noiristes, as Fignolé between the haves and to define the social struggle as one and preferred Sadors he noted, "[Here in Haiti] the bourhave-nots. Again, writing as when liberalism is sweeping across geoisie is claiming to be liberal at a time Brown Power, Black Protest 65 . This Haitian politics and history to a struggle the class he averred, was the fuel that ignited fundamental color struggle, ideas were less developed that plagued Haiti. His black power inequities avoided discussions of biological superiority than the noiristes, as Fignolé between the haves and to define the social struggle as one and preferred Sadors he noted, "[Here in Haiti] the bourhave-nots. Again, writing as when liberalism is sweeping across geoisie is claiming to be liberal at a time Brown Power, Black Protest 65 --- Page 81 --- is It is the character of every England. We see it for what it is. It opportunist. >127 a social revolution of the poor. bourgeoisie to prevent noiriste intellectuals. Before it These views made Fignolé attractive to members of the Griot Chantiers counted noiriste writers and closed down, and François Duvalier among its clique such as Lorimer Denis, Love Léger, black intellectuals who The roster of contributors included several writers. transformations of the next decade. In would play key roles in the political their social and Denis found a leader who could bring Fignolé, Duvalier neither of them achieved in the thirties. In ideas to the popular classes, a task des classes à travers treatise, Le problème 1945 they began work on their grand of the noiriste thesis. Though l'histoire d'Haiti, the most radical formulation in serial form in it first the following year later published as a book, appeared Daniel Fignolé, symbol of Chantiers and was dedicated to "the popular leader and traditions of all classes of men. >128 the aspirations The Military Challenge that characterized Haitian society The political and social fragmentation d'Haiti. Indeed, in measure reflected in the Garde and governance was large microcosm of the contentious civil the Haitian army in the mid-forties was a had retained the during the Vincent years society. As we have seen, military of politicians character, and the support powerful its staunchly pro-U.S. interests. The first dramatic change in over national was always privileged who more than his predecessor recogthis feature occurred under Lescot, forces. He not only declared of the armed nized the growing importance but also expanded the institution commander of the Garde himself supreme des pompiers (firemen), designificantly by integrating the civilian corps centralization of the bureaucracy, and professionalizing veloping greater of which acquired law degrees in the high-ranking military positions, many Gardes côtes (coast forties. The addition of the previously independent early the government's and corps d'aviation (air force) complemented guard) increased the numbers of ofgoals of modernization. These developments armed forces, which, acthe structure of the Haitian ficers and expanded totaled 154.322.' 129 U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staffs report, cording to a 1942 to the armed forces, these transNevertheless, by giving greater prestige created the entrenched system of corruption formations served to deepen white and light-skinned, officers, mostly under Vincent. Higher-ranking became common at all levels of capitalized on their new powers and graft districts where the Problems were worse in the rural the military structure. 66 Brown Power, Black Protest which, acthe structure of the Haitian ficers and expanded totaled 154.322.' 129 U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staffs report, cording to a 1942 to the armed forces, these transNevertheless, by giving greater prestige created the entrenched system of corruption formations served to deepen white and light-skinned, officers, mostly under Vincent. Higher-ranking became common at all levels of capitalized on their new powers and graft districts where the Problems were worse in the rural the military structure. 66 Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 82 --- de section, was often sold by the head of of the rural police chief, the chef post sometimes for as much as $4,000, and bequeathed the military department, Once in control, a from father to son through as many as four generations. became the called by his preoccupation title, Komandan) chef (commonly official in the rural communities, only visible and accessible government with force and intimidation.90 typically ruling his jurisdiction officers raised of these newly trained professional The machinations charges, who, in the heightmuch contention among their darker-skinned began to push for greater representation. ened era of black consciousness, vodouists in the provinces during the Having to conduct raids on civilian of much resentcampaign was, not surprisingly, the source anti-superstition officers. Robert Bazile, a black officer from a ment among the lower-ranking role in the military intervention in Catholic background who would play a sacred recalled the personal trauma of having to destroy the late forties, artifacts, many of which were altars, trees, and a host of pre-Columbian was not the museums. 131 Black consciousness stolen and later sold to foreign members that influenced officers. A few young light-skinned only ideology who graduated with Bazile in July of the army, most notably Paul Laraque, radical and socialism, remained close to their peers, 1941, were fred by resented elite control of the economy." 132 manipulatblack officers satisfied themselves by ruthlessly Other leading the regime and used it to establish a ing the venal system that characterized Paul Eugène One such person was Major footing in the political sphere. Haîtien. Since graduating Magloire, the young son of a general from Cap the ranks school in 1930, Magloire rose steadily through from the military trusted aides. He wielded the and presented himself as one of Lescot's most within the afforded to build a strong cadre of support power his position and civilian ranks that he would later exploit. military blacks reached a boiling point in The tensions among the lower-ranking Garde a minor in the Palace district of the staged 1944. On 23 May sergeants were receiving, 133 The leaders revolt over the limited privileges and pay they a national seem to have had every intention of fomenting of the conspiracy The suggested candidates suprebellion and installing a new president. chief of the Palace Garde, and ported by the soldiers were Colonel Armand, when a machine Price-Mars.' 134 The conspiracy was betrayed, however, Jean the barracks. Of the forty-seven guards who was discovered stolen from gun executed without court-martial and the conspired in the plot, seven were overthrows elseThe glorification of the military remainder imprisoned. of La Nation was cited as an inspirawhere in Latin America in the pages Brown Power, Black Protest 67 ing of the conspiracy The suggested candidates suprebellion and installing a new president. chief of the Palace Garde, and ported by the soldiers were Colonel Armand, when a machine Price-Mars.' 134 The conspiracy was betrayed, however, Jean the barracks. Of the forty-seven guards who was discovered stolen from gun executed without court-martial and the conspired in the plot, seven were overthrows elseThe glorification of the military remainder imprisoned. of La Nation was cited as an inspirawhere in Latin America in the pages Brown Power, Black Protest 67 --- Page 83 --- to the closure of the socialist paper on tion for the plot and contributed 27 June.135 Lescot did not end with this plot. Another Military attempts to overthrow two discovered in October. 136 Fifteen persons including presumed plot was to assassinate the presiwere arrested and charged with complicity women that the accused had a cache of revolvers dent. It was further discovered the Dominican Consul at sent to enclosed in two diplomatic envelopes Belladère, Fernando Gômez. to use the incident to Though troubled by the conspiracy, Lescot sought the of the for his flagging regime. He notified press earn popular support attacks. His the nation to unite against Trujillo's incident and implored maliciousness had little to paint himself as a victim of Dominican attempt standard of living of his ministers became effect as the wealth and high however, was the fact that supincreasingly conspicuous. More important, included Republic had started to wane as Lescot port from the Dominican the reasons for this Trujillo in the plot to overthrow the regime, although much One explanation for the plot that received were never ascertained.)" after having been ushered into attention in Port-au-Prince was that Lescot, and from Trujillo, had become a megalomaniac power with financial support had made to Trujillo. Trujillo of the he initially reneged on many promises assassination. Such a view was no therefore responded by ordering Lescot's between the two republics the potentially tense situation doubt instigated by resolution in Caracas duroccasioned by Lescot's signing of an anti-tyranny Lescot, in fact, had been taking a position ing a trip there in late June. when he suspected Trudictator since at least 1943 against the Dominican his regime. Whatever the Dominican spies to undermine jillo was using raised the ire ofthe Trujillo government across reasons, Lescot's regime now the border. revealed his disgust for between the two men, Trujillo In a series ofletters to him based on several speeches what he perceived as Lescot's ingratitude the of 1944. Trujillo the Dominican Republic in spring Lescot made against election, and revealed the details exposed his financial support for Lescot's a by Lescot in 1940 for Trujillo to precipitate of a shocking plot conjured up the of 1937 in an effort to on the frontier" akin to massacre "serious agitation and create for himself"the easiest way to weaken Vincent's position in Haiti Francisco conference, In June the following year at the San the presidency." and presented to each delegate. Later, the translated letters were published 138 The tensions was circulated in Port-au-Prince." part of the correspondence 68 Brown Power, Black Protest for Lescot's a by Lescot in 1940 for Trujillo to precipitate of a shocking plot conjured up the of 1937 in an effort to on the frontier" akin to massacre "serious agitation and create for himself"the easiest way to weaken Vincent's position in Haiti Francisco conference, In June the following year at the San the presidency." and presented to each delegate. Later, the translated letters were published 138 The tensions was circulated in Port-au-Prince." part of the correspondence 68 Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 84 --- that resulted from the publicity of between the two men and the controversy a later in the year. When Trujillo planned the letters reached new heights claiming at the border in 1945, Lescot refused to participate, peace meeting then made certain death threats he that he was fearful for his life. He public received from Trujillo as early as 1941. Lescot made a vain effort to increasingly suspicious of Trujillo, Growing that Trujillo had spies the United States into the quarrel by suggesting drag the SHADA project and that Trujillo in Haiti whose purpose was to destroy He further stated that given in concert with the Axis powers. was working of the repetition of the actions, there was "the possibility Trujillo's past did little to win support sad situation of 1937. P139 Such efforts, however, that Axis strength was weakening. had by then recognized as Washington Lescot could now be counted among his The powers that once sustained opponents. Conclusion of radicalism in Haiti for The Lescot era was critical for the development economic relaFirst, the strengthening of U.S.-Haitian three main reasons. mixed results. and the failure of SHADA during the war years produced tions these new relations contributed to Instead of improving the local economy, the urban workers, and conditions faced by the peasantry and the harsh the traditional dissatisfaction with the regime. Second, added to popular urban an effort to elite-the Catholic church, the bourgeoisie-in power of the period exercised a greater degree of cope with the social changes that radicals were promottoward the very elements of Haiti's past prejudice was the most prominent example of ing, The anti-superstition campaign threats against the state this. The response of the government to perceived that made control in the hands of the milat elite, a move was to strengthen politicized urban poputhe social divisions more apparent to an increasingly in Haitian history, to Trouillot, "By 1945, for the first time lation. According colorist. >140 the distribution of power had become explicitly of attempts of the Lescot administration, in spite Finally, the politicians ofthe various radical movefailed to appreciate the potential at cooptation, The combined effect of these movements that grew during the war years. in the country at a time of black consciousness ments was an intensification of funds were most sewhen the financial burdens and misappropriation and the enthusiasm with which it was received vere. The end of the war Brown Power, Black Protest 69 --- Page 85 --- globally, coupled with growing radicalism locally, was too much for the Lescot government to bear. U.S. chargé d'affaires to Haiti Robert S. Folsom, who began his tour of duty in 1941, noted that initially the Lescot government had the "advantage of unity inspired by war." How different the mood was by late 1945 when, according to Folsom, the Lescot regime was "collapsing from the weight of its own mistakes."1411 By the time the collapse arrived, it was obvious that Haitian politics would never be the same again. 70 Brown Power, Black Protest locally, was too much for the Lescot government to bear. U.S. chargé d'affaires to Haiti Robert S. Folsom, who began his tour of duty in 1941, noted that initially the Lescot government had the "advantage of unity inspired by war." How different the mood was by late 1945 when, according to Folsom, the Lescot regime was "collapsing from the weight of its own mistakes."1411 By the time the collapse arrived, it was obvious that Haitian politics would never be the same again. 70 Brown Power, Black Protest --- Page 86 --- CHAPTER 3 The Haitian Revolution of1946 T We are the men who prepared the Revolution of January 1946. Men of the bourgeoisie you lost 1930. But the Revolution of 1946 will not lose. -JACQUES STEPHEN ALEXIS, La Ruche, 1946 For us Marxists, the color question, despite current appearances to the contrary, does not lie at the heart of the Haitian problem. --MAX MENARD, La Ruche, In today's Haiti, we consider false any communist movement that is not directed by the black majority. Chantiers, 1946 When after the revolution you hear the people and its leaders express certain aspects of their desire it is SO that an authentic its representative of majority can govern the country. You cannot that we are spreading tell us division. The country has not been united for even a brief moment over the few ROGER past years. DORSINVILLE, Lettre aux hommes claires, 1946 n 1946 the political history of Haiti of the Lescot changed course. The overthrow regime that year during what is "the five glorious days," intensified commonly referred to as decade-long political unresolved tensions and fomented a conflict. The radical movement tion and nurtured born in the during the Vincent-Lescot occupaible force following the fall of the years, matured with incredMore broadly, the government with the revolution of revolution was the first popular 1946. supported government in response against a U.S.- postwar Latin America and the Caribbean. The --- Page 87 --- did not lead to the creation of long-term ecotriumph of the movement nor eradicate from the abuses of the deposed government, nomic recovery improved the material benefits of political corruption, and only minimally signal a breakdown in majority. It did, however, the country's impoverished forcefully asserted radical ideolthe legitimacy of elite political supremacy; politithe black middle class unprecedented ogy as a political weapon; gave role of the labor movement as a force in cal leverage; announced the crucial Most symbolic of and strengthened the role of the military. national politics; culture was the coming to power of the the major changes in the political From that moment onDumarsais Estimé in August. black peasant-born elite has not been elected to the highest ward, a member of the light-skinned seat of power in the country. these forces on the political scene This chapter traces the emergence of the Haitian left that the elaboration of the conflict within and analyzes of events leading to the election of marked the long and tumultuous course understand these developEstimé and the consolidation of his regime. To with to national politics it is necessary to begin ments and their importance movement, the Marxist discussion of the instigators of the revolutionary a youth, and their pivotal role in the revolt. Marxists and the January Revolt "We Are the Reds": The Young not from the socialist writers of The movement to topple Lescot emerged the Marxists in noiriste factions, but from young La Nation nor the disparate the split in the communist Port-au-Prince. As noted in the previous chapter, but did little the forties weakened its ability to organize movement in early new of young the spread of Marxist thought among a generation to contain linked to the PCH or the writers intellectuals. This interest was not entirely victories of the Allied forces in the war invigorated young of La Nation. The optimism, and the possibility Haitians with a new sense of self-confidence, cohort did not experience in their society. This new to effect lasting change but had first-hand encounters the occupation nor the Damien strike they who atFor the minority with the repression of the current government. of Haiti the desire for change was urgent. tended the University education in Haiti-medicine, Since the existing faculties of tertiary -were not uniethnology, law, and agriculture applied science, engineering, control of each fell within the fied into a state university system, general the medical was the of various ministries. Of all the faculties, jurisdiction 72 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 This new to effect lasting change but had first-hand encounters the occupation nor the Damien strike they who atFor the minority with the repression of the current government. of Haiti the desire for change was urgent. tended the University education in Haiti-medicine, Since the existing faculties of tertiary -were not uniethnology, law, and agriculture applied science, engineering, control of each fell within the fied into a state university system, general the medical was the of various ministries. Of all the faculties, jurisdiction 72 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 --- Page 88 --- The National Medical most vociferous in the demand for reorganization. pharmacy, and School, founded in 1863 and including the medicine, surgery, of under the directorship of the minister public later dentistry schools, was decree of October 1938, the school was instruction, Maurice Dartigue. By a of study from the status of faculty with an increase in the period elevated to admission of female students. In the midfour to six years and with the fewer than one hundred forties total attendance in the medical school was class.' A small students coming from the ranks of the middle with most for instruction, and the directornumber of private doctors were responsible by the president. Lescot of the school remained under a dean appointed ship in December 1944, but suggested a reorganization of the university system and its resultant influence of bureaus on the faculty the heavy government the student body.? lack of academic freedom created opposition among Pharmacie, The formation of the Association des Étudiants en Médecine, of in 1945 was an attempt to create a fraternity et Art Dentaire (ADEM) ADEM also became an students concerned with the state of the profession. of the where ideas were discussed. The president important forum political black student twentjythree-year-old association was a brilliant, energetic, Alexis's father, Stephen, was a from Gonaives named Jacques Stephen Alexis. to Paris. of the twenties and later ambassador respected militant journalist the medical profession. In 1945 he was Alexis's interests extended far beyond Club intellectual organization, president of the country's most prestigious staunch communist who honor his young age. A Intrepid, a high considering discussion with his father's had been exposed to radical thought through to Alexis used ADEM's journal Le Caducée as an opportunity colleagues, express his views on world politics. further enhanced the imlevel, intellectual currents On a wider global intellectuals. A figure of great inpact of revolutionary thought on the young attaché Dr. Pierre Mabille, fluence among the students was French cultural During his the occupation of France in 1941.4 who settled in Haiti during cultural links Mabille was instrumental in strengthening Haitian tenure, formation of the Institut Français, and the founding with France through the in January 1946, Conjonction. cultural and literary journal of an important Medical Faculty where he occasionally lecHe was also supportive of the literati and on the campus of the tured. His presence among the Haitian students. Mabille mainhis impact on the medical faculty strengthened collection of Marxist tained in the French embassy library an extensive French resistance, and of the works of poets and writers of the literature The Haitian Revolution of 1946 73 ian tenure, formation of the Institut Français, and the founding with France through the in January 1946, Conjonction. cultural and literary journal of an important Medical Faculty where he occasionally lecHe was also supportive of the literati and on the campus of the tured. His presence among the Haitian students. Mabille mainhis impact on the medical faculty strengthened collection of Marxist tained in the French embassy library an extensive French resistance, and of the works of poets and writers of the literature The Haitian Revolution of 1946 73 --- Page 89 --- with the students close to him. For many of the which he openly shared with concepts of youth these books were their first encounter revolutionary' shaped their political conscience. historical materialism and heavily school, Gérald Bloncourt, Of the several radical students in the medical the more and an elite Haitian, was one of the son of a French woman distinguished himself In spite of his youth, the twenty-year-old prominent. athlete of some repute and respected artist and in several areas. He was an in the medical school in 1945. director at the Centre d'Art before enrolling de la Rosée that year, release of Roumain's Gouverneurs On the posthumous had a fortuitous meeting with seBloncourt, a strong admirer of Roumain, Stephen Alexis. 6 medical student and fellow Roumain follower Jacques nior close friends and often met after classes The two young students fast became literature, and the interweekends to discuss current trends in art, and on movement.7. Alexis and his colleagues Théodore Baker national communist radicals, heard of the bravery of and Gérald Chenet, like many other young Resistance who was Bloncourt's brother Tony, a member of the French for Paris in 1943, and thus had great respect tortured and killed in a prison the rebellious younger brother. high school student In April 1945 René Depestre, a nineteen-year-old earlier, published who had relocated to the capital four years from Jacmel which was received with great enthua book of poems entitled Étincelles, works of the French resistance poets, the militants. The siasm among young Depestre's work. 8 Like the other Éluard, Aragon, and Emmanuel, influenced Roumain. "Cafervent communist who idolized Jacques students, he was a in his ode Le baiser au leader, "you are our marade Roumain, wrote Depestre cried a voice and the present ideal. You are our flame. You are our God. [Youl reflection work was a choir will respond." >9 For the young radicals, Depestre's and a confirmation that a new generation of their own political sympathies, conscious. In late spring, of intellectual youth was becoming politically cofounded "Les amis the small reading group he Bloncourt arranged of left intelRoumain," to meet the young poet at a gathering de Jacques house. At that meeting a bond lectuals at communist Edris St. Armand's quickly formed. of Marxism in the postwar world, the SpanThe international expansion the intellectual youth in ish Civil War, and the flurry of radical ideas among them. These young men, many of whom were poets, Port-au-Prince excited that their revolutionary ideas writers, and artists as well as students, agreed start an activist outlet for and thus decided to deserved an expression, the journal was In order to avoid financial and licensing problems, journal. 74 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 a bond lectuals at communist Edris St. Armand's quickly formed. of Marxism in the postwar world, the SpanThe international expansion the intellectual youth in ish Civil War, and the flurry of radical ideas among them. These young men, many of whom were poets, Port-au-Prince excited that their revolutionary ideas writers, and artists as well as students, agreed start an activist outlet for and thus decided to deserved an expression, the journal was In order to avoid financial and licensing problems, journal. 74 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 --- Page 90 --- weekly that Baker started in 1942 while named after a short-lived two-page Pétion, La Ruche. 10 still a student at the Lycée La Ruche appeared in December 1945 the first issue of the revamped On71 of fifteen students, the most Port-au-Prince. The editorial board was a group Gérald Depestre, Gérald Chenet, Baker, Bloncourt, important being Alexis, and Max Menard. The writMontasse, George Beaufils, Raymond Pressoir, and read the articles often went into the popular areas of Port-au-Prince ers illiterate audience." The La Ruche writings were in Kreyol for their largely zeal and naive bold, defiant, and idealistic, driven by a revolutionary often their resistance to Lescot did not optimism in Marxism. Unlike the noiristes, of the state, which but from the repressive nature derive from color politics Montasse remarked, "Our movethey equated with fascist Italy. As Gérald colonialthe person of Élie Lescot. It is against ment is not directed against sorrow of the proletarians ism and bourgeois greed : : that is the greatest This new We have given ourselves to a new politics. and Haitian people. and socialist." >12 politics is national, anti-bourgeois, democratic, fashioned not only discourse of the La Ruche collective was The potent French cultural theory. None proved more from Marxism but also from André Breton, the doyen of influential than surrealism. In early December visited Haiti for a series of lectures on surrealism the surrealist movement, Breton came to Haiti on and modern art. In exile from France since 1944, then French of Mabille and with the aid of Lévi Strauss, the invitation the surrealist movement was then cultural attaché in New York.13 Although series of in its native France, it was the latest in a European losing influence received by the Port-au-Prince inintellectual movements enthusiastically with the notable Until the mid-forties, Haitian intellectuals, telligentsia. little attention to surrealist claims. exception of Magloire St. Aude, paid motivated by négriof poets and writers deeply The succeeding generation on liberating the creative tude, which in turn drew on surrealism's emphasis novel and alluring. found the movement mind to form a new aesthetic, soldier and poet According to Paul Laraque, the young Marxist-influenced had the members of La Ruche, many poets of his generation who was close to visited the island in 1944- 15 no idea of surrealism before Césaire Bloncourt, and Pressoir The majority of this group, as Laraque, Depestre, and were unadmitted, had a narrow and blind view of surrealism later or the limiwith the critical writings of Breton's contemporaries familiar the presence of the revered tations of the movement. Notwithstanding, Cuban artist Wilfredo Lam in whose visit coincided with that of Breton, stirred considerable excitement among Port-au-Prince over Christmas 1945, The Haitian Revolution of 1946 75 idea of surrealism before Césaire Bloncourt, and Pressoir The majority of this group, as Laraque, Depestre, and were unadmitted, had a narrow and blind view of surrealism later or the limiwith the critical writings of Breton's contemporaries familiar the presence of the revered tations of the movement. Notwithstanding, Cuban artist Wilfredo Lam in whose visit coincided with that of Breton, stirred considerable excitement among Port-au-Prince over Christmas 1945, The Haitian Revolution of 1946 75 --- Page 91 --- who religiously attended his the members of La Ruche and their peers, Theater. 16 club and his lectures at the Rex discussions at the Savoy nonconformism and staunch denigraThey were most fired by Breton's by his refusal of all kinds, given powerful emphasis tion of dictatorship December.' 17 Emboldened by Lescot after his third lecture on 20 to greet of the decided that the special edition Breton's presence, the writers paper on the first of January in honor of Haitian independence they were planning The bristled with harsh critiques would instead be a tribute to Breton. paper article crystaldictatorship. The opening of Depestre's front-page against "The year 1946 will be a year of profound lized the exuberance of the youth: but Justice, FebruJanuary will no longer be called January for experiences. May, union etc. A new future liberty, April will be called deliverance, ary, the pronouncement man will begin. ? It was, however, scathing page-length ran on the second page that proved most incendiary: they of Freedom, when the voice of real democracy will 1946 will be the year Triumph over all forms of fascist oppression. Down with all the Francos! Long Live Democracy in Action! Long live the Youth! Long Live Social Justice! Long Live The World Proletariat! Long Live 1804118 circulated in the city, was The appearance of that page, which was widely the to overflow. Two days after the paper appeared, the drop that caused cup of the Lescot's orders stormed the Ruelle Roy headquarters police acting on Depestre and two other and forced its immediate suspension. newspaper arrested and released the following morning, On members of the group were the editor of Le Matin, whose the afternoon of 4 January, Franck Magloire, detained by the Garde was used by La Ruche, was temporarily printing press involvement with the students. 19 and questioned about his Alexis, Depestre, Baker, That night at Alexis's house, Raymond Pressoir, drastic action had agreed that Chenet, and Bloncourt met to strategize. They The young men the government's banning of the paper. to be taken against their anger would be to organize a reasoned that the best way to demonstrate owed much strike similar to the Damien revolt.20 Damien's success student fire on the students in the streets. A to the marines' reluctance to open social revolution and the student strike, they averred, would precipitate a 76 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 Alexis's house, Raymond Pressoir, drastic action had agreed that Chenet, and Bloncourt met to strategize. They The young men the government's banning of the paper. to be taken against their anger would be to organize a reasoned that the best way to demonstrate owed much strike similar to the Damien revolt.20 Damien's success student fire on the students in the streets. A to the marines' reluctance to open social revolution and the student strike, they averred, would precipitate a 76 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 --- Page 92 --- For the remainder of the weekend group members overthrow of the regime. in the law and medical faculbusied themselves contacting fellow students them of the plan to and in the high schools, informing ties of the university devised various coded The strike organizers strike on Monday morning. school students. According to to relay information to the high messages student the students were Emerante de Pradines Morse, then a participant, determine which of question to ask each other in order to given a simple strike effort: "Are you going to the funtheir classmates supported the eral today?"21 socialists of the students' intentions, contacted Alexis, who informed the socialists were secretly working Max Sam of La Nation. Since December, the to take members of the Garde to stage a protest against the government with elections in May. 22 The students place sometime around the congressional many from the older Marxists in Port-au-Prince, hoped to galvanize support Breton's fourth lecture on Sunday night of whom were expected to appear at Bloncourt visited Breton at at the Rex Theater. On Sunday afternoon, Gérald Révolutionnaire house in Pétionville on behalf of the "Jeunesse Mabille's his fourth lecture that evening to d'Haîti" and pressured him to dedicate As Bloncourt the next day the country would be in revolution. freedom, as revolution that had a date and time already later recalled, "This was the first delivered a stirring set!"23 A shaken Breton agreed, and under heavy security fervor of the mosurrealism and freedom. Capitalizing on the lecture on demonstration in front of Champs de and Baker led a small ment, Depestre lecture. Both were arrested and refollowing Breton's Mars immediately the other members of the group went into leased later that night, while and plotted to continue the strike as planned. hiding morning, 7 January, the students Shortly before ten o'clock on Monday which would the and the U.S. embassy to the impending strike, alerted press courtyard. The task of in the embassy's culminate with a demonstration who, fearing repeated arrest contacting the embassy was given to Depestre, for U.S. asylum but was Gontran Rouzier, seized the opportunity to plead by 25 That morning the strike began refused and immediately went into hiding in earnest. with their supporters from the law and The members of La Ruche along outside the faculties filed out of their classes and congregated agricultural Revolution!" No sooner had they gathMedical School, shouting "Vive La batons. Alexis, who was arrived and beat the students with ered than police students from the nearby all-girls badly beaten, urged Bloncourt to rally After convincing Filles, where Bloncourt's mother taught. Lycée des Jeunes The Haitian Revolution of 1946 77 hiding in earnest. with their supporters from the law and The members of La Ruche along outside the faculties filed out of their classes and congregated agricultural Revolution!" No sooner had they gathMedical School, shouting "Vive La batons. Alexis, who was arrived and beat the students with ered than police students from the nearby all-girls badly beaten, urged Bloncourt to rally After convincing Filles, where Bloncourt's mother taught. Lycée des Jeunes The Haitian Revolution of 1946 77 --- Page 93 --- university students, they the female students that soldiers were abusing wall around the of the Medical school and formed a entered the courtyard marched toward the Champs de students, forcing the soldiers to desist. They students and workers a large crowd of secondary school Mars, attracting along the way.26 above head, the students passed through With clenched fists raised high Martial, St. Louis de Gonschools, Lycée Pétion, St. the leading secondary the Haitian national anthem, "La zague, and St. Rose de Lima, singing as workers and 7) Dessalinienne" The numbers of protestors grew remarkably the students as they marched through street people joined the khaki-clad word of mouth, leaders of central streets of downtown Port-au-Prince. Using that the of the rallied by spreading false news purpose the strike support the soldiers. As the crowds moved protest was the assault of two students by and Croix des slum areas of Bel-Air, La Saline, through the heavily populated issued businesses closed down. The newspapers quickly Bossales, nearby intervention of the parents of the reappeals for order demanding the members Once the protestors arrived at the U.S. embassy, bellious students. detained several activof the Garde were already on hand and temporarily and the poet Jean Max Menard, Bloncourt, Max Pennet, ists, most notably beaten during the melee. MiliBrierre. Several other students were severely some the resolve of the protestors, intervention did little to dampen tary the night hiding in the popular neighborhoods, preparing of whom spent Molotov cocktails. 27 determination of the students, Lescot, who clearly underestimated the he ordered the head of the was shocked at the demonstration. Previously under surveillance Lucien Marchand, not to keep the students secret police, that "the youth were not danand to desist from harassing them, claiming the strike to have dialecticians." 28 Though he expected gerous. They are only chances. subsided by Monday evening, he took no the deserted streets As soldiers packed themselves into jeeps and patrolled of the students put into effect their new plan of the city Tuesday morning, de la Grève was sent to the leading press, attack. A manifesto by Le Comité and international demcalling for the recognition of constitutional freedoms bookAround midday in front of the Henri Deschamps ocratic guarantees. who had made his way downtown in store on Grande Rue, Bloncourt, storeowners closed their disguise, attacked an unarmed soldier. Panicked sending hitting pots on the telephone poles, stores as bystanders began from the Departments of signals of protest throughout the streets. Employees Strong support also and Education joined the students. Labor, Agriculture, 78 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 --- Page 94 --- Crowds gather in front of the National Palace ofu.s. National Archives, Record during the January revolt, Group 59. 1946. Courtesy came from the Morne-a-Tufr from the region near the medical community had died from faculty, where a student previous evening 29 beatings sustained during the By five thirty later protest the marched that day, the four thousand Grand through the main arteries oft the strong protest that had Rue. The movement then downtown streets climaxed the other by Bloncourt. --- Crowds gather in front of the National Palace ofu.s. National Archives, Record during the January revolt, Group 59. 1946. Courtesy came from the Morne-a-Tufr from the region near the medical community had died from faculty, where a student previous evening 29 beatings sustained during the By five thirty later protest the marched that day, the four thousand Grand through the main arteries oft the strong protest that had Rue. The movement then downtown streets climaxed the other by Bloncourt. broke into two flanks, one led on the ing soldiers By the time the latter by. Alexis and arrested him. reached Place en route to the Bloncourt escaped, Geffrard, awaitDessalines barracks. jumping out of a found After pickup truck refuge in the library of the making contact with Mabille, leaving to rendezvous French Embassy, where he morning. 30 with Alexis's column on he stayed until Lescot and his family Rue Pavée the back of cars escaped from the following led belonging to the U.S. palace by hiding in the by Alexis before embassy and passed the that arriving at Lescot's manor in through protestors evening, Lescot issued his first Bourdon. From his home casting on the radio, he statement since the revolt warned them urged the student began. Broadthat if they continued leaders to end the measures to reestablish the Garde would "take the protests and On public order' P31 most drastic Thursday the revolt intensified. cratique Féminin, a women's In the morning, the Comité movement headed by Jacques DémoRoumain's wife, The Haitian Revolution ofi 1946 --- Page 95 --- for freedom of the Nicole, led a march to the Cathedral to appeal peace, 32 When a few supporters and the liberation of political prisoners. two press, officers fired into the crowd, killing shouted "A bas Lescot," nearby large mobs began to and wounding two women. In retaliation, young men the police headquarters and hurling spread throughout the city, storming the streets. The houses and rocks at Garde officers before dispersing in ransacked and deministers and their henchmen were property of leading that surround the capital, the and stores looted. In the hillside areas stroyed wooden instruments made from sound of vodou drums and vaksins (hollow of Gérald Lescot, reverberated throughout the city as the factories bamboo) officials burned to the Gontran Rouzier, and a host of other government ground.s that the was unable to deal By that afternoon it was clear government killed and many more with the crisis. Over two dozen people were reported of workers, A wide range injured during the week of dechoukaj (uprooting). and butchers, went on workers, bakers, including bus drivers, agricultural and the U.S.-run companies of strike for the first time in the city's history, were forced to Standard Fruit, and the Atlantic Refining Company SHADA, a coalition of profesclose their operations. Led by Dr. Georges Rigaud, formed the Front journalists, and opposition leaders sionals, businesspeople, which openly supported the Unifié (FDU) in Port-au-Prince, Démocratique parties. Similar groups students and called for the right to form political of in the southern department formed among students and businesspeople by the to the other departments the Grand'Anse. 34 The movement spread of students at the Lycée end of the week. In Jacmel, where large numbers the seventh were received and read La Ruche, student strikes on Jacmel had of workers and peasants over the following augmented by the participation "the Revolution had which time, according to one participant, two days, by conquered Jacmel."35 to have the cabinet disIn an effort to avoid overthrow, Lescot agreed leaders, intimating with Rigaud and other political solved and met George of his installation. 34 The movement spread of students at the Lycée end of the week. In Jacmel, where large numbers the seventh were received and read La Ruche, student strikes on Jacmel had of workers and peasants over the following augmented by the participation "the Revolution had which time, according to one participant, two days, by conquered Jacmel."35 to have the cabinet disIn an effort to avoid overthrow, Lescot agreed leaders, intimating with Rigaud and other political solved and met George of his installation. In a that he would resign on 15 May, the anniversary Colonel Lavaud, the head of the Garde, a desperate private audience with force to break up the mobs. Lescot ordered Lavaud to use all necessary The second ranking Lavaud refused and Lescot ordered his immediate arrest. with Lavaud Garde, Colonel Antoine Levelt, instead counseled officer ofthe decide the best course of action. In conjuncand U.S. Ambassador Wilson to Conseil Exécutif Militaire tion with the embassy they formed that evening a once obtained Lescot's resignation (CEM), which demanded and successfully 80 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 --- Page 96 --- Members ofl La Ruche celebrate ie Jacques Stéphen Alexis, George Lescot's overthrow, 11 January 1946. Left to Chenet. Courtesy ofCollection Beaufls, Gérald Bloncourt, Théodore right: Gérald Bloncourt. Baker, and Gérard they convinced him his life was in longer. Petrified, the rest of the danger if he remained in Haiti a afternoon and fled the cabinet submitted their day which included country. The three-man resignations that Paul Magloire, Levelt, junta that headed the arrest. At three o'clock and Lavaud, put CEM, family huddled on the morning of 11 Lescot under house in the back ofaj January, Élie Lescot and a waiting plane to police car drove to Bowen his the Miami, becoming the Field, then boarded occupation. 36 republic's first exiled president To allay since protests the CEM radio address at one o'clock informed the public that Lescot was behalf of the that afternoon. By four to make a CEM, announced on radio oclock, Lavaud, on country. Lescot's HH3W that Lescot Haiti. Crowds departure was received with immediate had left the continued to loot and raid jubilation across forcing Jean Brierre and several the homes of public the city and broadcast student leaders of the riots to drive officials, By speeches on the radio around Monday, order was slowly appealing for calm and and fifty-one restored, with commercial order. political prisoners activities resumed The CEM's first act released. congressional was to dissolve Lescot's handle elections in May. They inducted congress and declare new state affairs. They also a six-man military appointed congress to Olympian, as mayor of civilian Sylvio Cator, a Port-au-Prince to demonstrate renowned they did not intend to The Haitian Revolution ofi 1946 81 Monday, order was slowly appealing for calm and and fifty-one restored, with commercial order. political prisoners activities resumed The CEM's first act released. congressional was to dissolve Lescot's handle elections in May. They inducted congress and declare new state affairs. They also a six-man military appointed congress to Olympian, as mayor of civilian Sylvio Cator, a Port-au-Prince to demonstrate renowned they did not intend to The Haitian Revolution ofi 1946 81 --- Page 97 --- still much anxiety when Washington failed create a military state. There was repeated pleas from U.S. immediate recognition oft the CEM, despite to grant who feared that U.S. neutrality could strengthen officials in Port-au-Prince, when a U.S. influence of the local Marxists. 38 Tensions were heightened the of Port-au-Prince and a squadron of navy destroyer was spotted off the coast feared that reoccupahovered over the city Saturday evening, Many planes tion was imminent. posed in the face of a Concerned with the threat that these developments the CEM scheduled parliaradicalized and still protesting populace, highly was still not forthelections for 12 May. When foreign recognition mentary Dantès Bellegarde to Washington to coming, the CEM sent elder diplomat activists there. This quelled plead their case and win support among black dithat the revolution was a military coup. Bellegarde's increasing rumors could lead to a Trujillo which argued that delayed recognition plomacy, communist state, was crucial in obtaining U.S. supoverthrow or, worse, a port of the junta on 8 April. 39 40 The revolutionfollowed elsewhere in the region. The revolt was closely for blacks in the United fervor of the strike held particular interest Haiti ary Pace Alexander, who visited States. In the Pittsburgh Courier Raymond Mercer column on the events. Similarly, under Vincent, wrote a five-part nearly two years in professor who also spent Cook, a Howard University a series of articles on the Haiti teaching English at the university, published blacks in the United imploring incident in the Washington Afro-American, the racial brothers of lend moral to Haiti: "Our task as States to support Dessalines, Christophe and Péthese descendants of Toussaint L'Ouverture, But let's hope that the tion, is to offer them friendship and understanding. >41 His will not be lost, as in 1930, to the old-school politicians. gains today in the Pittsburgh Courier was careful to colleague Rayford Logan writing in Haitian affairs out that the strike was a result of U.S. involvement point of the ofl black people to govern." during the war. It was not a sign incapacity in the capital himself from the hysteria André Breton, who distanced his fifth lecture on the since La Ruche's tribute to him, returned to present doubtless Mabille said much about the revolt, eighteenth. Neither he nor March the CEM under of their tenuous status in the country.13 By aware decided that Mabille was far too dangerous a pressure by the United States of his at the Quai remain in Haiti. 44 On the advice superiors presence to where he remained until his Mabille returned to Paris that year, D'Orsay, U.S. officials were equally fearful of the death in 1952. Both Haitian and attaché West called "the Gérald Bloncourt, whom U.S. civil Jack influential 82 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 country.13 By aware decided that Mabille was far too dangerous a pressure by the United States of his at the Quai remain in Haiti. 44 On the advice superiors presence to where he remained until his Mabille returned to Paris that year, D'Orsay, U.S. officials were equally fearful of the death in 1952. Both Haitian and attaché West called "the Gérald Bloncourt, whom U.S. civil Jack influential 82 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 --- Page 98 --- that overthrew Lescot" and an individual "who principal leader of the strike small radical tendencies." >45 Bloncourt, after inciting possesses extremely forced to flee the city and seek refuge in the protests against the CEM, was hills of Kenscoff.46 Front: The Rise of Parties and Polemics An Unstable of the radical movement in deposing Lescot was The immediate success social Within days of of a wider movement for change. but the beginning liberated, with an unprecedented exploLescot's exit, the Haitian press was a hundred in Port-ausion in the number of political and social papers-over such as Languichatte Prince alone. 47 On the radio, popular personalities in being able to the alter-ego of Théodore Beaubrun, delighted Debordus, airwaves without fear of reproach: "Lescot, ridicule Lescot on the national wanted to do it too?"48 why is it that whatever you heard Hitler do, you it was freedom and the collective sense of hope that accompanied This of parties for the first time in manifest in the widespread formation political parties formed recent history. Nearly one hundred political the country's milat conservatives the country. On the day of Lescot's overthrow, across renamed Parti Libéral Socialiste under resurrected the old Liberal Party, included Dalencour. Other conservative groups the leadership of François Chrétien (PPSC) and F. Burr ReyEdouard Tardieu's Parti Populaire Social however, Haïtien. 49 It was readily apparent, naud's Union Démocratique Radical would not sustain these traditional groups. that popular currents the scene and none were more figured more prominently on political groups that derived from noiriste and communist ideologies. influential than those Lôt's L'Amicale club formed the The noiristes associated with Emile St. the viceNationale (PPN) in January, with Daniel Fignolé as Parti Populaire Duvalier, Léger, and Désinor. The party's president and including Denis, in 1946. Flambeau became the central paper for noiriste propaganda organ and the third national revolution in For the PPN, 1946 was, after 1804 1930, the total because it promised the country's history and the most important con50 As Duvalier and Denis ominously liberation of the black majority. Haitian is no after Lescot's exit, "Finally the bourgeoisie cluded one week longer the master of power. 7951 former Roumain supporters the first days of February, a cadre of During led by Edris St. Armand revived the PCH and other Marxist sympathizers which chose a red star and a and launched its daily newspaper, Combat, scythe and hammer as its logo. 52 The Haitian Revolution of 1946 83 con50 As Duvalier and Denis ominously liberation of the black majority. Haitian is no after Lescot's exit, "Finally the bourgeoisie cluded one week longer the master of power. 7951 former Roumain supporters the first days of February, a cadre of During led by Edris St. Armand revived the PCH and other Marxist sympathizers which chose a red star and a and launched its daily newspaper, Combat, scythe and hammer as its logo. 52 The Haitian Revolution of 1946 83 --- Page 99 --- saurait n est remplacer évident que la Farme critique de des la critiqne armes ne la force pas la matérielle force matérielle ne peut etre mais abattue la théorie que se change, pénètre elle aussi, les en Masses force matérielle dis qu'elle DIRECTEUR Rédacteur en Chef Félix Edris Dorleans St Amand Juste Adm ainistration Gérald Gérard Bloncourt Chenet Freda Selde nt Rue 1 Pavée gde P-an-P No. 60 1 gde. 501 Province Organe Officiel du Pari Communiste d'Haiti Politique et Social Mercredi 6 Février 1946 lère Arnée, No. 1 Hebdomadaire of the Haitian Communist Party, 6 February Masthead of the first issue of Combat, organ of U.S. National Archives, Record Group 59. 1946. Courtesy the enthusiasm of the moment, The Communist Party was swept up by of In an of to the Russian Revolution 1917.99 likening the events January Armand remarked that commueditorial in the second issue of Combat, St. of the social solution for the country to get out nism was the "only possible which argued for the and poverty"s4 The party's initial program, stagnation of Haiti," advocated inter alia, the creation of a "Socialist Soviet Republic organization of all politisocialization of all industries and land, Soviet-style Garde, which was to and the democratization of the Haitian cal institutions, severe criticism of the plan by be renamed "the people's army"ss Following in their followed the events neighboring Cuban communists who closely minimum the later outlined a far more tempered twenty-point island, party The most radical provisions were the program for Haitian development. Vincent; the of by Lescot and participation revision of all contracts signed constitution; labor union in public office; a democratic and socialist women hours; and a repeal of all anticommunist organization; reduction of working has out, the 56 Despite these revisions, as Michel Hector pointed legislation. of with the direction that interproposals of the PCH were out step after World War I1.57 national communism was taking the new PCH subscribing to Roumain's ideals and philosophy, Although its members. The leader of did not include his closest compatriots among pastor from Felix Dorléans Juste Constant, an Episcopalian the party was thirties and remained close to Arcahaie, who was a Marxist since the early he declared his presifollowing the split with the socialists. Once Roumain his parish and became part of the dency of the party, he temporarily gave up 84 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 the new PCH subscribing to Roumain's ideals and philosophy, Although its members. The leader of did not include his closest compatriots among pastor from Felix Dorléans Juste Constant, an Episcopalian the party was thirties and remained close to Arcahaie, who was a Marxist since the early he declared his presifollowing the split with the socialists. Once Roumain his parish and became part of the dency of the party, he temporarily gave up 84 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 --- Page 100 --- Max Menard, and Roger clergy. 58 Juste Constant, St. Armand, non-parochial bureau of the party. All contributed to ComMercier composed the political administrator. It is and Gérald Bloncourt was appointed the paper's bat, reach in this period but some estimates difficult to determine the party's Combat had a subscription of suggest that in the early months of 1946, and there was an al1,000 readers throughout the country, be approximately members.39 Though this figure may likely leged 1,307 registered party confined to Port-au-Prince, having inflated, it is clear that the party was not the Grande'Anse. established cells in Gonaïves, St. Marc, Cap Haîtien, and The drawn to the PCH. The young radicals of La Ruche were immediately Popuformed in the wake of the strike, the Parti Démocratique party they became the communist youth arm. laire de la Jeunesse Haïtienne (PDPJH), with Baker and in late January and, following a split La Ruche reemerged Nouvelle Ruche, the PDPJH organ, which was Gérard Martelly, became La school students. circulated mainly among university and secondary the PCH had no recognition, Despite its efforts to gain international communists. connections with regional apparent links with Russia or direct "infantile leftists" with an unThe Cuban PSP dismissed them outright as criticized the authenticity of a Communist realistic program, and severely 60 The PCH also had no as its leader. Party with an Episcopalian preacher was concerned that links with the CPUSA, though the U.S. embassy apparent received funds from U.S. leftists. 61 they had Révolutionnaire Haïtien (FRH), a coaliThe PCH supported the Front the PDPJH, and the Ligue tion of eleven radical groups including the PPN, The formawhich formed on 8 February. d'Action Social et Démocratique, the radical groups during tion of the FRH indicated a certain unity among Constant and Daniel first months of 1946. St. Lôt led the FRH, and Juste the On the afternoon of the eighth, shortly after Fignolé were vice-presidents. held in downtown Port-authe formal meeting of the FRH, a parade was carrying of urban workers participated, many Prince in which large groups red bands with the Haitian blue and red flag, wearing red flags alongside Communist Internationale and "La revolutionary slogans, and singing the of the initial 62 The parade was a first for Haiti and evidence Dessalinienne: exercised over the urban workers. Such open strength Marxists in the FRH the fears of worsened pervasive displays of sympathy toward communism of the Marxists. The CEM the CEM and the United States over the strength and on 16 Februthus decided to send a message to the young communists, communists, was Bloncourt, the most radical of the student ary Gérald and exiled to Paris two days later. 63 caught by the Garde The Haitian Revolution of 1946 85 ercised over the urban workers. Such open strength Marxists in the FRH the fears of worsened pervasive displays of sympathy toward communism of the Marxists. The CEM the CEM and the United States over the strength and on 16 Februthus decided to send a message to the young communists, communists, was Bloncourt, the most radical of the student ary Gérald and exiled to Paris two days later. 63 caught by the Garde The Haitian Revolution of 1946 85 --- Page 101 --- of Marxists and noiristes, contenGiven its heterogeneous composition with the inevitable. began to compete tion within the Front was Fignolé laborers. He used his remarkcommunists for control of the Port-au-Prince force the slum dwellers and workers to create a popular able influence over woulo (steamroller), that he referred to as the konmpresè of mass protestors The woulo was a large feature in Haitian popular protest. still a pervasive blacks that Fignolé could at amalgam of disenfranchised and impoverished woulo deyo (steamshortest notice arouse with a simple call to march: the they were his urban troops, a constant roller outside). More important, the he more than any other reminder that of all the political entities in city, had the loyalty of the popular forces. noted in an editorial in The forceful image of the woulo in 1946 was "attachthe and "fanatical" Demain, which commented on "extraordinary" La Saline, from Bel-Air, Croix des Bouquets, ment of the entire population 64 This devotion to Figto "the Moses of Port-au-Prince" and Morne-àTuf" editorials, and panegyrics in the press. nolé inspired an outpouring of essays, captured the popular entitled "Leader" by a Fignolé supporter A poem friend of the blacks teacher of the proletariat : . . black mood: "Young whose orders they swell into an sincere comrade loved by the crowd on love, adore, and adulate Daniel Fignolé' immense sea . [we] black Front, then, was the The defining factor of the predominantly of whom had little and numerical strength of the noiristes, most ideological March, the PCH formally withdrew, claiming tolerance for Marxism. On 23 and the Communist Party that "the historical role of the Front has ended," the PDPJH also activities. 66 Shortly thereafter, resumed its independent As the other from the Front, dissolving itself as a separate party. withdrew outside of the FRH, it remained a coalition of Marxist groups operated various noiriste parties. to reform in these early months Perhaps the most important radical group (PSP) was socialists. In late January, the Parti Socialiste Populaire was the contributors to La Nation, which officially formed, comprising, in the main, around the same time. 67 The redoubtable Max Hudicourt, had reappeared after Lescot left the country, became the who returned from exile two days Lespès, other members were Anthony leader ofthe PSP. The party'so principal The Marxist convictions Étienne Charlier, Jules Blanchet, and Max Sam. differed somewhat, as Hudicourt, though among the members of the party liberal nationalist outlook he referring to himself as a socialist, retained the were more the thirties, whereas Sam, Charlier, and Lespès cultivated during 86 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 after Lescot left the country, became the who returned from exile two days Lespès, other members were Anthony leader ofthe PSP. The party'so principal The Marxist convictions Étienne Charlier, Jules Blanchet, and Max Sam. differed somewhat, as Hudicourt, though among the members of the party liberal nationalist outlook he referring to himself as a socialist, retained the were more the thirties, whereas Sam, Charlier, and Lespès cultivated during 86 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 --- Page 102 --- and closely resembled both fervently Marxist. 68 The party structure ideology and the Cuban PSP in the Dominican Republic that of the Socialist Party The PSP was also the Socialista Popular) with which it was aligned. (Partido that had some experience in political only radical party formed in 1946 credentials dating back to the organization, as its leaders held revolutionary with socialexperience and the connections 1930 strike. This organizational traveled to Havana in Februists in Cuba worried U.S officials. When Lespès daily Gaceta del plate from the defunct communist ary to purchase a printing of his visit to obtain "money and Caribe, the FBI interpreted the purpose watched the PSP,69 frearms from Cuban communists" and thus closely to the the most stark contrast The philosophy of the PSP represented intellectuals in the PSP noirisme of the other radical groups. The mostly elite threat to over color divisions as the most important privileged class struggle argued that a reorientation Like the PCH in the thirties, they Haitian society. the country's fundamental of the polity based on color would not bridge used by the Noirisme, for them, was a political weapon economic cleavage. but that promised little for black middle class to attain control of the country the welfare of the poor. between both leading MarxThis position created an interesting polemic black and middle class PCH was markedly ist parties. The predominantly twelve years earlier. It posidifferent in 1946 from its first incarnation be the "Front Révoluitself the milat-led PSP by claiming to tioned against P70 In a departure from the orthotionaire des Partis Gauches Authentiques" doctrine, the communists they held as their guiding dox Marsism-Leninism "essential of the presdeclared the color question as an aspect of emphatically ifignored, would lead to the reinstallation ent class struggle in Haiti"that, evaded the color question dictatorship.? 71 The PSP, they argued, a bourgeois feared the threat a because the party was largely milat and consequently pose to their status. black government might however, that they emphasis on color did not mean, The PCH's strong in the PPN. On the contrary, agreed with the ideas of the noiriste politicians they the FRH was in large part due to the disagreements their exit from social critics in the found with the noiristes. Alexis, one ofthe most profound the lightthat the noiristes were solely driven by a fight against party, argued attacked those he considered the real exploiters skinned elite but they never whites. 72 Noiristes, moreover, the Arabs, Italians, and U.S. in the country, doctrine that sought to rebuild the never advanced any meaningful political country's damaged economy. The Haitian Revolution of 1946 87 the noiriste politicians they the FRH was in large part due to the disagreements their exit from social critics in the found with the noiristes. Alexis, one ofthe most profound the lightthat the noiristes were solely driven by a fight against party, argued attacked those he considered the real exploiters skinned elite but they never whites. 72 Noiristes, moreover, the Arabs, Italians, and U.S. in the country, doctrine that sought to rebuild the never advanced any meaningful political country's damaged economy. The Haitian Revolution of 1946 87 --- Page 103 --- Although they remained outside of the conflict PCH, there were at least two other small between the PSP and Port-au-Prince during this communist parties that formed in mention early period. Authors Robert and a small Parti Communiste Nancy Heinl which little is known.73 The Manchousite, a Maoist organization of second was the Parti which was led by the founder of Socialiste Haïtien (PSH), President Cenacles des Études and Lysius Salomon, René Salomon. grandson of the PSH Though having limited adopted a fascinating position that melded appeal, theory with the ideas of the noiristes. The traditional socialist party's manifesto, organ Classe Moyen et Masse, summarized published in its authentic black cannot be its program: "The rights of the satisfied [only] by the formation blacks, but from the extension of the of a ministry of nation.' "74 This "new revolution and formation of a new nation, Salomon claimed, must that 1946 was the first be socialist. He argued opportunity since the 1806 at Point-Rouge that black Haitians assassination of Dessalines politics. had to assert their claim to Recalling his grandfather's political national "homogenous bloc" would program, he maintained that a facilitate stronger black rule tum of the ninetenth-century and allow the dicbenefit of all, "authentic Nationalist Party to be rewritten for the number and Haitians: The greatest benefit for the power for the authentic greatest Both the representatives of the PCH and PSP extended their influence majority."75 classes through the formation of several among the laboring decree on 28 January unions. The CEM issued a major legalizing labor unions. The nized several strikes, the first notable Marxist syndicates orgaone being leather February led by Alexis, one of the workers in early country's first most part, however, the worker organized strikes. 76 For the strikes that continued months following the fall of Lescot into the first two were spontaneous wageworkers striking for greater pay and occurrences, with recognition. Despite the efforts of these groups, ultimately Daniel strongest support among the majority of urban Fignolé had the His dominance in the Front workers in Port-au-Prince, that grew as he began to lead several labor organized during the first months after Lescot's unions he was easily elected ouster. In mid-February president of the HASCO union. HASCO workers later that month Fignolé led a strike of that succeeded in conditions and wages. The power base of the improving working as Fignolé, aware of his immense PPN was beginning to unravel labor activism than popularity, began to spend more time on party affairs. On 26 March, he the PPN and the Front, officially resigned from choosing to devote his time to for campaigning a seat 88 The Haitian Revolution of 1946 . In mid-February president of the HASCO union. HASCO workers later that month Fignolé led a strike of that succeeded in conditions and wages. The power base of the improving working as Fignolé, aware of his immense PPN was beginning to unravel labor activism than popularity, began to spend more time on party affairs. On 26 March, he the PPN and the Front, officially resigned from choosing to devote his time to for campaigning a seat 88 The Haitian Revolution of 1946 --- Page 104 --- elections and to leading SOT.7 of Port-au-Prince in the legislative as deputy his withdrawal from the PPN to rally his He wasted no time following supporters in the Port-au-Prince shanties. The 1946 Elections of the 1932 constitution that the successor The CEM upheld the provision in the National had to be elected by a majority of a deposed president committee would meet Assembly. It also decided that the constitutional from elections in order to prevent violent challenges after the congressional elections on 12 May were therefore the left-wing parties. The congressional that the leadin the presidential race U.S. officials speculated crucial. Early Néré Numa and Bignon Pierrecandidates were conservatives Edgar ing would change dramatically during the long Louis.' 78 This initial prediction summer. themselves for hundred mainly black candidates presented Over two and deputy seats.' 79 senatorial seats thirty-seven election to the twenty-one field was wide open and the After two successive dictatorships, the political realized. For the first Haiti finally seemed to be promise of a democratic candidates had a large representation time in the country's history, leftist from the PCH was running for in the election campaign. Juste Constant Max Sam, and senator; PSP executives Max Hudicourt, president, mayor, and René Salomon all ran for seats in the Georges Rigaud, Étienne Charlier, the Henri Laraque Labor leaders Fignolé and popular Chamber of Deputies. for Port-au-Prince and Cap in the north also sought positions as deputies restless. On 1 Both candidates and the electorate grew Haîtien, respectively. downtown highlighted by May, the PCH staged a massive demonstration Fignolé also put by Depestre, Alexis, and St. Armand,s0 powerful speeches in the first week of May. the woulo in full effect to support his candidacy increased in the streets elections drew close, tensions Asthe congressional that and urban Rumors circulated across the country peasants of the capital. Haitians if their leadto slaughter all light-skinned workers were conspiring added drama to such fears. In April, a ers were not elected. Recent events the hills around the city apof unemployed workers squatting in group business and demanded immediate employproached a large downtown the building and When they were refused, they began to damage ment. the owner. 81 The international press picked up allegedly threatened to kill developments in the continued to closely monitor these events as they The Haitian Revolution of 1946 89 ants of the capital. Haitians if their leadto slaughter all light-skinned workers were conspiring added drama to such fears. In April, a ers were not elected. Recent events the hills around the city apof unemployed workers squatting in group business and demanded immediate employproached a large downtown the building and When they were refused, they began to damage ment. the owner. 81 The international press picked up allegedly threatened to kill developments in the continued to closely monitor these events as they The Haitian Revolution of 1946 89 --- Page 105 --- of the Marxists. 82 The anxieties in country, especially the growing strength the CEM declared a unbearable. Two days before the election the city proved curfewand banned the sale of alcohol. Once the of the registered voters turned out to vote. On the 12 May most clear which group was the two days later, it was votes were publicized Conservatives and noiristes associated deciding force in the presidential race. unelected and Max with the PPN won most of the seats. Daniel Fignolé was of a Marxist who won a seat in the Senate, was the only member Hudicourt, party in the Assembly. and the defeat of the majority The results of the election were staggering, circles. Salomon and ofthe left's candidates sent shockwaves through radical which should the of the Marxist left, the PSH blamed the defeat on disunity "common peril" in the conflicts and fought the have buried ideological by the reelection of 83 Radicals were most aggravated election campaign. associated with the Vincent and Lescot several cabinet members closely and Dumarsais Estimé. namely Charles Fombrun, H. Bourjolly, Paul regimes, of Interior, headed by Colonel Most leftists charged that the Ministry had tampered with the election results. Magloire, foundation. The U.S. embassy also susTheir claims were not without discovered that complicity in the elections when it was pected Magloire's In addition, Lavaud hundreds of electoral cards were sold the week before." 85 Of the worried about their partner's political aspirations." and Levelt were the lower ranks in the Garde and three, Magloire was most popular among the protests in Januconsiderable energy in the months following had spent members of the economic and political elite. forming alliances with key ary, member of the triumvirate and having climbed to Being the darkest-skinned by virtue of his favored the highest ranks of the Haitian military, Magloire, deal of reclimate was assured a great position during the color-charged aware that whatever the populace. 86 Still, he was keenly spectability among situation was a result of his military power he exercised over the political his post and running as a and refused to jeopardize this by giving up position for a military leader. civilian candidate. Haiti was not yet prepared infuriated Port-authe results of the legislative elections Nonetheless, killed the achievements of the who feared that the CEM Prince leftists, them to form a temporary alliance and January revolt. Defeat prompted included Alexis, Nationale (CDN) that Depestre, create a Comité de Défense and PCH. issued a maniConstant, and the majority of the PSP They Juste of the CEM, the annulment of the elections, festo calling for the dissolution 87 They warned that and the creation of a civilian provisional government." 90 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 Nonetheless, killed the achievements of the who feared that the CEM Prince leftists, them to form a temporary alliance and January revolt. Defeat prompted included Alexis, Nationale (CDN) that Depestre, create a Comité de Défense and PCH. issued a maniConstant, and the majority of the PSP They Juste of the CEM, the annulment of the elections, festo calling for the dissolution 87 They warned that and the creation of a civilian provisional government." 90 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 --- Page 106 --- would force them to incite a national strike to failure to meet these demands felt they retained the overthrow the CEM. The young communists clearly Though workers that they had in January. command over the Port-au-Prince renowned leftists was headed by the prospect of a provisional government the military govit was sufficient to raise serious concern among unlikely, ernment and U.S. officials. 88 the Lescot overhad in the four months following But much changed to maintain had effectively used the military apparatus throw. The CEM the urban workers responded more social control and, more important, than to the noiriste rhetoric of Fignolé and his associates readily to the revolt. Marxism of the student leaders of the January When fierce riots followed Fignolé's defeat at the polls. Thus, the expected injured by the Garde. several Fignolists were seriously the dust settled, drastic measures. Before the results This event propelled the CEM to take of his opponent, official, barged into the headquarters were made Fignolists also incited riots that resulted in Georges Voltes,89 In Cap Haïtien, Laraque the threats wounded. 90 The CEM took six people killed and twenty-five dissolved declared martial law, issued a curfew, seriously and immediately for presidential candidates, the CDN, banned all political demonstrations of the manifesto, a and arrested almost fifty, mainly light-skinned signatories well received U.S. officials. 91 move that was by the elections imtheir of achieving success in upcoming With hopes to the harsh newimpositions. In peded, the leftists took to the press to object fall of Lescot the CEM Max Sam wrote that five months after the La Nation, totalitarianism, the "grave situation and reintroduced had created a tragic The PCH chose not to back for the future of democracy in Haiti."2 menace to St. Armand, "the candidate in the presidential race, since, according any whatsoever in the situation next government cannot bring any improvement of the masses. 93 intensified the loss of the seats in the National Assembly Not surprisingly, and Marxists in the radical press. When the battle between the noiristes for his presidential campaign, Dumarsais Estimé, in an effort to gain support Max Hudicards to the new senators and deputies, sent out congratulatory In La Nation, he issued a bitter assault court refused to accept the gesture. >) Hudicourt castigated himself "a militant socialist," against Estimé. Calling career had been rife with fascist" Estimé, whose political the "reactionary Hudicourt drew particular reference to an contradictions and vacillations. at the Lycée Estimé wrote in Le Glaneur in the 1920S while a professor article called for a wall to be erected at Champs-de-Mars to Pétion, in which he The Haitian Revolution of 1946 91 refused to accept the gesture. >) Hudicourt castigated himself "a militant socialist," against Estimé. Calling career had been rife with fascist" Estimé, whose political the "reactionary Hudicourt drew particular reference to an contradictions and vacillations. at the Lycée Estimé wrote in Le Glaneur in the 1920S while a professor article called for a wall to be erected at Champs-de-Mars to Pétion, in which he The Haitian Revolution of 1946 91 --- Page 107 --- the authentic Haitians that lived below keep the elite from contaminating with his marriage to a He contrasted the deputy's early position the palace. Lucienne Hertelou, and his close light-skinned member of the bourgeoisie, relationship with Vincent. 94 personal backed Estimé responded The noiristes in the PPN who now emphatically actions were wrote in Demain that Hudicourt's in unison. Yves Jeannot class" of the country and fueled by "his "dictated against the entire majority claimed that his early ideas hate of all blacks. 995 In Estimé's defense, Jeannot Pétion Glaneur and his reforms in school curricula at Lycée as writer in Le the ideas of the Revolution." >996 were not contradictions but "precursors to in June that the another clash when he suggested Hudicourt spawned the of Jérémie since the should be moved to province National Assembly made it difficult to complete the constituconstant pressure of the Fignolists harsh and 97 The noiriste assault on the PSP was personal. tional debates. Socialiste Populaire," was a western ideology Marxism, led by the "Pseudo "servant of the The black Max Sam was a used to justify milat control,98 socialists" who "are already milat," and Rigaud and Hudicourt were "strange president: 999 the of a black man like Estimé becoming suffocating at thought evaluation of the this hostility, the PSP made a judicious Notwithstanding that their candidate Georges Rigaud political situation and acknowledged therefore, to back Edgar Néré had little hope of success. They decided, The decision to back black deputy from Les Cayes. Numa, the conservative of the party, was not taken to Sam, then general secretary Numa, according he most sympathetic to the because Numa was black but because appeared 100 Still, he himself was not a socialist. goals oft the Socialist Party even though win in the heated politicandidate would never the fact that a light-skinned socialists. They were well aware, as cal climate of 1946 was not lost on the socialism and that a strong Sam conceded, that Haiti was not prepared for would be the with no direct ties to noiriste factions nationalistic president Dorsinville, who thus far suprealistic option. Noiristes like Roger most claiming that they refused to "back ported Numa, withdrew their support, Estimé. 101 and put their efforts behind "the peasant" an understudy" Hudicourt and the noiristes, the PCH chose to During the dispute between leadership grew disillutemporarily side with its socialist rival. The party meetafter the March elections. At a party sioned with the political process Constant argued that the party no longer supported ing in mid-June, Juste French and U.S. forces to divide color question created by the "dangerous" and noiristes to gain power: "The the nation and now used by the Fignolists been anything but a of Haiti reveals that the color question has never history 92 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 to During the dispute between leadership grew disillutemporarily side with its socialist rival. The party meetafter the March elections. At a party sioned with the political process Constant argued that the party no longer supported ing in mid-June, Juste French and U.S. forces to divide color question created by the "dangerous" and noiristes to gain power: "The the nation and now used by the Fignolists been anything but a of Haiti reveals that the color question has never history 92 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 --- Page 108 --- to divide and weaken the country for in the hands of the foreigner weapon color line and the same hunger pinches all. civil war. Proletarians have no the political bureau of is international:" "102 He also reorganized The problem for presidency, and urged party members the party, withdrew his candidacy noiriste ideas to resign. 103 who supported became the party's strongest ideological conThereafter anti-imperialism economic control of Haiti was Communists took the position that U.S. cern. Alexis championed the party's position the main source of its dire poverty. in late July, he argued that In an address at a PCH meeting on imperialism. far more decisive to the future of economic climate was the inter-American candidates. The Soviet opposition Haiti than the political wrangling among he argued, was design of Britain and the United States, to the imperialistic World countries. Haiti faced a "slow the only real source of hope for Third of U.S. did not try to break the stranglehold death" if the next president view, was a conscious effort in Alexis's hegemony. The SHADA experiment, and to force the country by the United States to damage Haitian agriculture northern neighbor. 104 Prior to the elections, into greater dependence on its candidate won, he should Théodore Baker also emphasized that whichever "We are antiU.S. imperialism and not color politics: strive to fight against of imperialism. For more than thirty imperialist. We fight against all forms the benefits. controlled by America and have not seen years we have been should be against all those who since 1915 When we vote in a few months it also ruin. >105 Anti-U.S. sentiments were apparently have worked toward our took issue with the outside ofthe capital, where one regional journal strong whose interference with the caudillos" in the U.S. embassy, "Anglo-Saxon of January. 106 elections denied Haiti the democratic promise not an end to Daniel Fignolé, defeat at the polls was For the irrepressible With his former ally St. Lôt in his nascent political career but a beginning. to realize the new emphasis on party politics the Senate, Fignolé was quick for him to be part of a political to electoral success. It was thus necessary all the various that he could lead, one that would incorporate organization unions he directed and rely on his political personality. students of Fignolé's at Collège In 1945 several former working-class named MOP, a direct Odéide had formed a small discussion group that they out word with the implicit suggestion of sweeping reference to the English the students apthe old order in Haitian politics.' 107 In late February, of expressed their intention of extending proached their former professor, offered him the presidency. Fignolé their group to a worker's party, and formed MOP as a party on 13 May, transforming readily agreed and officially The Haitian Revolution of 1946 93 Collège In 1945 several former working-class named MOP, a direct Odéide had formed a small discussion group that they out word with the implicit suggestion of sweeping reference to the English the students apthe old order in Haitian politics.' 107 In late February, of expressed their intention of extending proached their former professor, offered him the presidency. Fignolé their group to a worker's party, and formed MOP as a party on 13 May, transforming readily agreed and officially The Haitian Revolution of 1946 93 --- Page 109 --- Ouvrier Paysan, with Chantiers its name into an acronym for the Mouvement became the most orgaofficial organ. Under his leadership, MOP as their and the largest mass organization in the nized labor party in Haitian history which Fignolé led, MOP pre-Duvalier era. Apart from the HASCO union, and its in Port-au-Prince unions from the largest companies incorporated shoe dockworkers, hydrauincluding workers at the BATA factory, environs, confectioneries, and barbers. 108 Fignolé's lic workers, gas station workers, far wider than the guaranteed MOP a following charisma and popular appeal the formation, "We As he stated in Chantiers shortly after party's unions. class effective direction of have formed MOP which will assure the majority class. >109 is and put to the service of our the country. Our party strong its foot in the presidential Once formed, MOP did not take long to get desire to run for office. 110 But at thirtyrace. Fignolé expressed a strong candidate, the minimum age for three he was too young to be considered a His impassioned which had been fixed at thirty-five in the 1932 constitution. support, could prove a liability speeches, while important in gaining popular thus decided that a elections. The directors of the party in the presidential black middle class would provide the politimember of the more prominent contest.' 111 Figthe party needed in the ensuing presidential cal advantage from behind and then accede to presidential nolé would guide this leader power once the moment was opportune. candidate for the position was fortyFor the mopistes, the most suitable of the party were familiar François Duvalier. The older members year-old heated discussions in Louis Diaquoi's drawwith Duvalier's presence at the members ofthe party followed room in the early thirties. 112 The younger ing in Les Griots and were impressed by his political with interest his writings in Chantiers. His in his contributions ideas, expressed with greater regularity to the forceful starkly conservative when compared noiriste politics appeared believed, would win MOP the support rhetoric of the communists and, they his social stature, Perhaps most alluring was of the U.S. State Department. examiner in the American which grew as a result of his position as a medical Duvalier which he held following his return from Michigan. Health mission, of malaria and started work on an antiworked on controlling the spread win him notable acclaim. campaign, a project that would eventually yaws the young doctor's His work, particularly in the provinces, strengthened factor for the young mopistes, popularity among the peasants, an important beyond the capital. Fignolé's difficulty to build a constituency considering inexperienced. He had no prior position of But Duvalier was politically office. Nor did he little ambition to hold public leadership and displayed 94 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 Health mission, of malaria and started work on an antiworked on controlling the spread win him notable acclaim. campaign, a project that would eventually yaws the young doctor's His work, particularly in the provinces, strengthened factor for the young mopistes, popularity among the peasants, an important beyond the capital. Fignolé's difficulty to build a constituency considering inexperienced. He had no prior position of But Duvalier was politically office. Nor did he little ambition to hold public leadership and displayed 94 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 --- Page 110 --- he and Lorimer Denis agreed a position want to become Fignolé's puppet, political career later on. could destroy any chances of building a meaningful and therefore however, sympathetic to the party's policies Both men were, Duvalier became general secretary agreed to join MOP in another capacity. braintrust.' 113 member of the party's and Denis an important alternative candidate for the One of their primary tasks was to find an Calixte, the forelection. They suggested Démosthènes Pétrus presidential returned to Port-au-Prince. They of the Garde who had recently mer head influence in the north and the argued that Calixte had gained significant from the Fignolists south over the course of the past year. Popular support chance to win the would provide him with the greatest in Port-au-Prince election. of Calixte, whom he felt had been at the choice Fignolé was disappointed He much preferred Duvalier's the Haitian scene far too long. out of political Calixte's strong personality, which taciturn and unassuming demeanor to The former colonel was equally unimpressed often clashed with his own. would fantastic promises that a Calixte presidency with Fignolé, whose and houses in the suburbs of slum-dwellers with automobiles guarantee sources of embarrassment: NonePétionville and Delmas were constant Calixte knew that the exigency of their union. theless, both men appreciated him with the surest chance to alliance with the professor would provide an Calixte's commitment to being enter Haitian politics. Fignolé appreciated of achieving success in frontman. Furthermore, if MOP had any intention his had to be launched immethe upcoming elections, an extensive campaign of became secondary to the objective gaindiately. Personal dissatisfactions Fignolé began to invest all his power. By the middle of May ing political in the endorsefor Calixte. He was successful gaining energy in campaigning La Voix des Jeunes, L'Action Nationale, and ment of noiriste papers including La Presse. leader provoked considerable The decision to back Calixte as the popular from the PDPJH other radical groups. The radical students opposition among with MOP's deciwho thus far had respected Fignolé were disappointed took sides with the sion.115 In the pages of La Nation, Georges Petit, who launched a harsh critique against Calixte, pointsocialists on several issues, his close association with Vincent ing to his training under the U.S. marines, of several officers, and his prior to the 1938 plot, his role in the assassination the Dominican former chief of the Garde to seek haven in decision as massacre. 116 Petit also took Fignolé to Republic less than a year afterthe 1937 military candidate endorsement of a task, pointing to his contradictory The Haitian Revolution of 1946 95 , who launched a harsh critique against Calixte, pointsocialists on several issues, his close association with Vincent ing to his training under the U.S. marines, of several officers, and his prior to the 1938 plot, his role in the assassination the Dominican former chief of the Garde to seek haven in decision as massacre. 116 Petit also took Fignolé to Republic less than a year afterthe 1937 military candidate endorsement of a task, pointing to his contradictory The Haitian Revolution of 1946 95 --- Page 111 --- he received by the CEM during the confollowing the harsh treatment take Démosthènes over elections. "Why" he asked, "should we gressional in and also black!"17 Paul [Magloire] when Paul is already place Logan, who background was indeed suspect. Rayford Calixte's political of Fort Liberté on his trip to the Dominican met Calixte at the border town relationship with Trujillo in 1942, remarked on his startlingly close Republic that the staunchly anti-Haitian Dominiwhile in exile there and the respect with Trujillo, border had for him."8 In his 1940 correspondence can patrol to become Trujillo's dupe to challenge Lescot indicated Calixte's willingness 119 NotwithstandVincent in exchange for a position in a Lescot government.' Calixte was the labor party's ing the opposition from the intelligentsia, with during the which alone made him a force to be reckoned candidate, months that preceded the election. members of the Garde to On 26 June, a conspiracy among lower-ranking their officers and to bring about a mutiny of the enlisted personnel against that Calixte and overthrow the CEM was discovered. Rumors circulated of ensure Calixte's election. The mastermind Fignolé engineered the plot to were transferred Audain, was arrested and over thirty accomplices the plot, duties. Such events only served to the or relieved of their to provinces to martial law. reinforce the CEM's commitment until the debates over the constitution that were postponed Meanwhile resumed. Crowds packed the legislature every day after the March elections constitution led by St. Lôt, Hudito hear the passionate debates over the no limitations and Jean David. Since the CEM provided court, Louis Déjoie, the entire summer deliberating on the time of debate, both chambers spent of relished Many of the new members Congress the suggested provisions. situation.' 120 to wax unceasingly on the political the opportunity the constitution wore on during early August, As the deliberations over Fignolé, ignoring the laws the popular forces in the city grew impatient. of the woulo konmpresè demonstrations, used the machinery against political the Assembly to vote for during the first week to get protestors to pressure speeches frenzied were fueled by Fignolé's powerful Calixte. These protests banned by the CEM from the only medium on the radio. He was immediately legally granted to him for broadcast.' 121 in the Senate. In such The anxiety in the streets reflected the contentions theatrical legislait was clear that the prolonged and a polarized atmosphere, decision. Three recently discussions would not bring about a swift tive of the chaos that was threatening to erupt and elected senators fearful with other delegates desirous of bringing the campaign to an end conspired 96 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 te. These protests banned by the CEM from the only medium on the radio. He was immediately legally granted to him for broadcast.' 121 in the Senate. In such The anxiety in the streets reflected the contentions theatrical legislait was clear that the prolonged and a polarized atmosphere, decision. Three recently discussions would not bring about a swift tive of the chaos that was threatening to erupt and elected senators fearful with other delegates desirous of bringing the campaign to an end conspired 96 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 --- Page 112 --- the of 11 August. In a private session and hatched a coup on night Sunday, and Jean David perCharlier, Thomas Desulmé, these three men, Philippe of the review of of their colleagues to agree to a suspension suaded thirty-five enforcement of an amended version the new constitution and the temporary 122 To ensure little opposiconstitution Vincent had thrown out. of the 1932 members of the Senate, cleverly convinced the more antagonistic tion, they and Max Hudicourt, that there was a Emile St. Lôt, Castel Demesmin, Charlier put the in Kenscoff. 123 The following morning private meeting came from St. Lôt and Strong protests resolution to the National Assembly. the country of a who called the resolution a "trick to deny Hudicourt, the proposal and constitution. >124 St. Lôt vigorously challenged democratic side with him. After hours of debate, the influenced several other deputies to It was then decided Charlier's provisions. majority oft the legislators accepted the vote. No would reconvene four days later to complete that both houses that scores of Fignolists besooner was the announcement made public for five hours before the police dispersed sieged the legislature, protesting the crowds with tear gas and guns. 125 reinforced troops surof the sixteenth, as tanks and On the morning Palace Garde armed with subrounded the cordoned off streets and the Palace, the around the Legislative machine guns stood at strategic points sidearms, took their seats dressed in white suits and some carrying senators, 126 Only two of the and cast their votes for the republic's new president. the first with twentyfour ballots were necessary. Estimé won customarily for Calixte, seven for Numa, and eight for five votes. Six votes were counted the results of the second ballot Pierre-Louis. Following much discussion, Estimé again won the from the urn and proved more decisive. were pulled Elected to serve a six-year term, the deputy plurality with thirty-two votes. Haiti. A became the first black president of postoccupation from Verettes surrounded by the Garde delivered his few minutes later the new president to form a broad address to the Assembly in which he promised inaugural from both sides of the political divide, encourage coalition, including people liberation of the country. 127 unionization, and promote financial throughout the election was received with surprise and disbelief Estimé's the streets of Port-au-Prince, people city. As he made his victory tour through to one threats and slurs at him, while many women were, according shouted Small groups of mopistes observer, "on their knees wailing miserably."nz "Vive Calixte! Vive Figthroughout the city crying, marched spontaneously nowhere to be found. Fignolé and his nolé." Their leaders, however, were the election. Duvalier was advisers went into hiding immediately following The Haitian Revolution of 1946 97 of Port-au-Prince, people city. As he made his victory tour through to one threats and slurs at him, while many women were, according shouted Small groups of mopistes observer, "on their knees wailing miserably."nz "Vive Calixte! Vive Figthroughout the city crying, marched spontaneously nowhere to be found. Fignolé and his nolé." Their leaders, however, were the election. Duvalier was advisers went into hiding immediately following The Haitian Revolution of 1946 97 --- Page 113 --- of the elections and, according to Roger Dorsinville, enraged at the outcome later claim that Duvalier, threatened a violent retribution. 129 Fignolé would attack to before launching an Denis, and himself found it prudent strategize than they No sooner had all three men congregated on the government. officials that they were being considered received word from one of Estimé's chef des For Fignolé, the self-acclaimed for positions in the new government. a victory, as he felt that no progressive governmasses, this was obviously Two days later, the trio ment could hope to last without his participation. his offer with the president in which they all accepted had a secret meeting the constructive phase of the to Fignolé, "to begin and agreed, according Revolution. >130 Ambassador Wilson about of consulted Calixte, terrified imprisonment, thanking his the following day asylum.' 131 He issued a statement seeking that since the Assembly chose "[his] personal supporters and declaring the decision and asked all fellow friend Dumarsais Estimé," he supported made Calixte the inspector mopistes to do the same. A week later Estimé commander left the in Europe, and the former general of diplomatic posts take residence in Paris. country to up permanent their immediate frustration Fignolists in the poorer districts expressed and defaced public mobs smashed streetlights later that night; unorganized absence of the popular leaders and buildings. 132 Estimé capitalized on the and bar owners sums of money to shopkeepers the next day paid huge alcohol for the entire weekend. With ordering them to supply free food and he had dared not enter he drove through the slum areas his close supporters and change through the wina month before, throwing money, soap, spare carnivalesque dow. In the midst of the three-day, goxermentsponsored Estimé and the new celebrations, the popular song Papa Gede became Papa General where, ironically, many propresident paid a visit to the Hospital, wounds. 133 The demonstrators lay recovering from police-inflicted Calixte Titime had successfully used political man the popular classes christened his campaign. he lacked throughout tactics to gain the popular support The Collapse of the Radical Coalition the of the Haitian majority through But if Estimé was able to win approval skill to asfactions would require greater largesse, the discordant political from the daunted PSP. They were suage. The strongest objection came Charlier-Desulmé coup, in Numa for agreeing to the gravely disappointed Estimé's early offer of a cabinet post. 134 Estimé and Étienne Charlier refused 98 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 throughout tactics to gain the popular support The Collapse of the Radical Coalition the of the Haitian majority through But if Estimé was able to win approval skill to asfactions would require greater largesse, the discordant political from the daunted PSP. They were suage. The strongest objection came Charlier-Desulmé coup, in Numa for agreeing to the gravely disappointed Estimé's early offer of a cabinet post. 134 Estimé and Étienne Charlier refused 98 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 --- Page 114 --- a coalition cabinet that inattempted to remedy this situation by creating after the election labor leaders, and noiristes. The day cluded communists, of minister of education and public Estimé invited Fignolé to accept the post which the radical labor leader readily accepted. health in the new cabinet, well aware that such a highFor Estimé this was a masterstroke, as he was his followers. He would satisfy the ambitious Fignolé and profile position of foreign relations and religion. The also appointed Price-Mars minister Rigaud, who radical extreme in the cabinet was socialist Georges other Rigaud accepted the position became minister of commerce and agriculture. that with the PSP executive. The members agreed after a long deliberation but having key members in not ready for a socialist state, Haiti was obviously the cabinet was the party's best hope. black marRigaud's priority was to eradicate the flourishing As minister, creating price ceilings, and to and other goods by ket in soap, oils, textiles, retailers. In designing his plan, he control the profits of wholesalers and Blanchet became a the of his socialist comrades. Jules drew on expertise in the Department of technical adviser and Lespès held the same position service of Max Sam took a post as director of the information Agriculture. the Department of Commerce. 136 to remove all that passed in the Assembly In early September a proposal code received strong suplegislation from the Haitian penal anticommunist of victory, noiriste politiin both chambers. With the euphoria political port viewed the communists as a serious cians such as Emile St. Lôt no longer was in order. 137 control and felt some concession threat to their political final judgment on the resoluEstimé, however, shrewdly avoided passing freely the communists had been allowed to practice tion, claiming that since retention of the law was a weapon he since January it was not necessary. The U.S. his in an effort to gain support. would later use against opponents resentment in the cabinet, espeRigaud's socialist projects aroused much whose fierce public cially from the new minister of education, Fignolé, 138 Although increased with his newly won position of authority. addresses education programs, he was accused Fignolé was responsible for several key against all lightthe socialists of advocating a system of discrimination milat by highlighted by the discharge of skinned officials in government posts, by Rigaud's from the schools.' 139 Fignolé was equally angered administrators into in the new governinclusion of other members of the PSP key positions took to the the confidence afforded by his new position, Fignolé ment. With "If anyone thinks they can stop what I radio and admonished his opponents: them!"0 I will be forced to use my woulo to destroy am doing for my people, The Haitian Revolution of 1946 99 at by highlighted by the discharge of skinned officials in government posts, by Rigaud's from the schools.' 139 Fignolé was equally angered administrators into in the new governinclusion of other members of the PSP key positions took to the the confidence afforded by his new position, Fignolé ment. With "If anyone thinks they can stop what I radio and admonished his opponents: them!"0 I will be forced to use my woulo to destroy am doing for my people, The Haitian Revolution of 1946 99 --- Page 115 --- addresses, Fignolé never used the woulo Despite the harsh tone of his radio Nonetheother than a demonstration of his popular strength. for anything outbreaks in the streets of fthe capiless, his speeches were linked to sporadic Fignolé's speeches as tal. Le Matin ran an article on street terror pinpointing citizens being harassed responsible, and a few reports of U.S. being largely came into the embassy." 141 most offensive to the socialFignolé's radio addresses against Rigaud were attacking Fignolé's "demagogic" radio campaign ists. The PSP responded by also criticized the governof"violence and anarchy"in La Nation. The party and what he wished on the airwaves, ment for allowing Fignolé to say for his feeble response, jokingly ridiculed the new president, "Estimop: October. At eight between Fignolé and Rigaud erupted on 21 The clash fifteen-minute broadcast on Radio o'clock that night, during MoP's weekly radio address. He charged Rigaud delivered an incendiary HH2S, Fignolé with Senator Louis Déjoie to overthrow Estimé. and Hudicourt as conspiring rid of all blacks who rightly belonged in He claimed that their aim was to get in which blacks in Haiti and ultimately institute a communist system power, elite. Immediately following Figwould be subservient to the light-skinned the same station and, Dorsinville appeared on the air at nolé's address, Roger Haitians not to foment a color war behalf of the appealed to all on president, speech to "the black Later, Max Sam delivered a cautionary in the country:l) people of Haiti" on behalf of the PSP.' 144 from Haitian address, Estimé received reports A week before, Fignolé's considered in the United States that his government was generally officials and thus deserved scrutiny. 145 as being a radical left-wing administration could have on diplomatic Concerned over the impact such perceptions by remainEstimé capitalized on the Fignolé-Rigaud controversy relations, out of the cabinet. actions in an effort to ease Rigaud ing silent on Fignolé's Rigaud handed in his after the radio address, an embarrassed Two days socialists with him. In solidarity, the other resignation, taking the other who was holding out on a cabinet members also resigned, but the president, another clash in an refused them.' 146 Fignolé incited collective resignation, by of the National Assembly. When a resolution proposed emergency session whether a plot was forced to demonstrate Hudicourt was passed, Fignolé that he was the leader of existed. He avoided the issue, declaring had actually to trivial affairs. 147 At the same two million men and was too busy to attend amended to allow the still functioning 1932 constitution was further session, to hold a dual seat in the cabinet. members of the legislature the troubled areas of La Saline During that week, Estimé sent agents into 100 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 a resolution proposed emergency session whether a plot was forced to demonstrate Hudicourt was passed, Fignolé that he was the leader of existed. He avoided the issue, declaring had actually to trivial affairs. 147 At the same two million men and was too busy to attend amended to allow the still functioning 1932 constitution was further session, to hold a dual seat in the cabinet. members of the legislature the troubled areas of La Saline During that week, Estimé sent agents into 100 The Haitian Revolution of1 1946 --- Page 116 --- for his office and split some of and Bel-Air in an effort to drum up support functionaries visited the base.' 148 Dorsinville, Love Léger, and other Fignolé's the people not to follow the advice of same districts a day later, urging that had been created leaders who threatened to destroy the national unity later of the Interior issued a statement since the election. The Department by the PCH, did not Fignolé's statements. The PSP, supported retracting from Fignolé. Under the statement since it did not come directly accept On 24 October, Estimé accepted the resignation pressure, Fignolé resigned. first cabinet and began to form a new one ofl legislators supportofthe entire and the PSP would lead the offensive ive of his policies. 149 Both Fignolé against the administration. Conclusion October 1946 marked a watershed for Haitian The events from January to Marxism, and populism, Through the combined force of noirisme, and politics. overturned the Lescot administration inHaitian radicals successfully More important, the troduced radical programs on the national agenda. the elections animated popular revolutionary movement and the subsequent With the slogan "les classes and gave them a stake in political participation. over the tradiblack political elites could claim victory noirs au pouvoir," rather than a privilege. tional milat elite and present black rule as a necessity with it the potential for greater division among But state power brought climate. In the face of competicompeting black groups in the postelection carefully Estimé and his supporters tion from leftists with popular appeal, social reform in late 1946. themselves as the only real hope for presented socialists and the militant Daniel Fignolé from the The departure of the transformation. The new the first phase of this Estimist cabinet completed and used their interpresident masterfully coopted his political opponents influence. The his regime and weaken their necine rivalry to consolidate achievements. For them, it was black rejoiced in these early new politicians and they readily placed the proof that Estimé shared their noiriste vision, shoulders. What he did of the black middle class squarely on his aspirations with this mandate is the subject of the next chapter. The Haitian Revolution of 1946 101 --- Page 117 --- This page intentionally left blank --- Page 118 --- CHAPTER 4 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance Noirisme and Opposition under Estimé, 1946-1950 + My friend what is happening? The country has changed Shoulder to shoulder Together we bend Together we rise For the earth is ours I now see a beautiful country It is the time Iam It is the hour rebuilding my country with the help of my brothers. FELIX MORISSEAU LE ROY, "Natif Natal," 1948 1e y late 1946, as Haiti's noiriste government gained R new president experienced momentum, the extraordinary popularity peasantry, black middle class, and urban workers. among the groups, previously disenfranchised For these social and often treated as zens, Estimé's victory was a triumphant second-class citithe symbol of a new day. Robert young army officer, was by then a staunch Bazile, light-skinned Estimist, promoted above his colleagues to First Lieutenant of the Garde in recalled the optimism oft those first exuberant 1946. He later months: At the [there] was a song for Estimé. Machin Estimé beginning van turns on both woule-m de bo. ised For these social and often treated as zens, Estimé's victory was a triumphant second-class citithe symbol of a new day. Robert young army officer, was by then a staunch Bazile, light-skinned Estimist, promoted above his colleagues to First Lieutenant of the Garde in recalled the optimism oft those first exuberant 1946. He later months: At the [there] was a song for Estimé. Machin Estimé beginning van turns on both woule-m de bo. Estimé's sides. - You see with Estimé we caraTwo sides. De bo! Before it now had two chances. was only one side of the hand skinned] and now the other [which was light- (darker] side had a chance. It was good start."1 a very very --- Page 119 --- echoed across the region. In a Pittsburgh Courier ediThese sentiments moderate," whose regime is expected torial Estimé was described as a "black As the so-called 'blacks' and 'mulattoes."2 to give fair treatment to "both the Estimé era reprethese comments and the previous chapter suggest, as it in the advance of Haitian politics, sented a period of great importance Indeed, first real attempt to create a stable democracy. was the country's before a democratic regime would nearly another half century would pass reemerge. it fast became a But if the presidency started out on a positive footing, that remained hostile to a regime pervictim of the cold war environment challenges the new leader with unparalleled ceived as radical, and presented to internal tensions and frustrations. Estimists proved equally susceptible Haiof radicalism the decade before. Progressive produced by the explosion Estimé; what they got was a period of tians expected a social revolution with polarization, and unsustainable hope rife with color resentment, ideological forces inside violent struggle for political power among al bitter, occasionally All this occurred against a backdrop of heightand outside the government. when the ideological and culened color awareness during the late forties, black consciousness reached their apogee. tural dimensions of post-1946 The Nationalization of Black Power reorientation in the character of Haitian The Estimé years witnessed a that emerged during The divisions among noiriste groups radical thought. to the national scene once competing elections carried over the presidential The rhetoric of black power that black groups gained access to state power. the campaign gave rise to a systematic attempt resounded loudly throughout inclusion in national life. In and programs aimed at its to create policies and several other pro-black journals, the pages of Flambeau, La République, discussed on a daily ideas of and social progress were noiriste governance advocates of this new politics were the basis. Among the more prominent the culmination of the thirties, who saw in the black government ideologues of their earlier aspirations. who thus far closely associated Duvalier and Lorimer Denis, François left the and permanently severed themselves with Fignolé and MOP, party below. With André with the in late 1947 for reasons elaborated ties professor Jacob, and Lamartinière Honorat, Séjour, Lelio Dalencourt, Kléber Georges they revived Les writer and secretary of L'Institut d'Éthnologie, a young in 1948.3 Griots, defunct for nearly a decade, as a daily newspaper Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 120 --- incarnation, the new version of the paper was a In contrast to its previous with the practice and applicapolitical and social organ that dealt explicitly with scientific or psychotion of Haitian black power and only peripherally the strong supIts most dominant feature, however, was logical concerns. ber Georges they revived Les writer and secretary of L'Institut d'Éthnologie, a young in 1948.3 Griots, defunct for nearly a decade, as a daily newspaper Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 120 --- incarnation, the new version of the paper was a In contrast to its previous with the practice and applicapolitical and social organ that dealt explicitly with scientific or psychotion of Haitian black power and only peripherally the strong supIts most dominant feature, however, was logical concerns. referred to as the "Estimist of its contributors for what they frequently port this obvious irony by arguing revolution." Duvalier and Denis explained of Calixte and Fignolé in 1946, they always that even during their support problem of "class." than in the fundamental believed less in partisanship class" who "after thirty member of the majority Estimé was a "preeminent the country back on the road to its years of errors and regression" had "put and instituted a political system of national prestige." first destiny in book form the study that In 1948 they updated and published classes à travers P'histoire in 1946 in Chantiers, Le problème des appeared imperial flag of black and red on its cover, d'Haiti. Brandishing Dessalines's elaboration of noirisme and signaled a this work represented the most radical Haitian history that opens definite shift in its philosophy. In the survey of Salomon that since the days of earlier presidents the work, the authors argue until blacks had no access to political power and Antoine Simon (1908-11), of the masses. 5 ascension of Estimé, the real, "authentic son peasant the of the black power movement they began They celebrated the expansion and continued through the the intellectual groups in the thirties among policies of the new government. of the social distinctive feature, however, was its analysis The book's most ofl black rule, once a social and color divisions in the country. The superiority for the axiomatic. The fundamental reasons scientific argument, was now minority was, they domination of the black majority by the light-skinned blacks dividing argued, a result of elite attempts to maintain "exclusivity"by with minimal class lines. As long as blacks remained complacent along in social relations was destined political and economic power, the problem the creation of a The only solution for this predicament was to persist. "class." "If we are to rise as a strong class and powerful and unified black Nation, we must meditate in our be respected for achieving Equilibrium since the birth of our natuserious faults which have haunted us on these ral life" Nicholls has pointed out, "equilibrium," For Duvalier and Denis, as David in all areas of political of milat "exclusivity." meant black power the opposite a century and a half and social life. 7 In this "era of the masses, after nearly found This equilibrium, Haiti had finally equilibrium." of independence, address to the law school in early 1950, Duvalier outlined in an insightful Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 105 our natuserious faults which have haunted us on these ral life" Nicholls has pointed out, "equilibrium," For Duvalier and Denis, as David in all areas of political of milat "exclusivity." meant black power the opposite a century and a half and social life. 7 In this "era of the masses, after nearly found This equilibrium, Haiti had finally equilibrium." of independence, address to the law school in early 1950, Duvalier outlined in an insightful Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 105 --- Page 121 --- was the final and perfect stage in the cycle of preceded by an intellectual mission modern Haitian politics, and riod of reaction.9 9 With a black head preparation, revolution, and a perevolution, the fundamental of state emerging in the wake of a realignment of Haitian politics finally realized. was, he argued, As racial consciousness deepened in the did its expression writings ofi black intellectuals, SO among the popular classes. Once more were frequently used to assert music and the arts identity and a maturing social Groups such as Jazz des Jeunes were closely linked consciousness. proudly celebrating the ideas of the to the movement of 1946, black such as Jazz Saieh, master drummer government in song. Other acts Gonaives Ti-Roro, and the Lumane Casimir became haunting singer from frontrunners in sance in vodou-djazz the post-1946 renaisperforming regularly at the country. These nightclubs and theaters around performers drew heavily on the of Haitian proverbs to multilayered folk wisdom nition. Much of express sentiments of pride in their new social the music of the era moved recogtion of Haiti's African beyond the mid-forties celebraheritage to include incisive ment of the political order. These critiques of the rearrangetraditional conditions breathed new songs. A notable example is the late forties meaning into song "Kote moun-yo" by Jazz des rendition of the rara Jeunes, which are the people? I can't see the features the lines, "Where these people? I can't see the bad things about us." "10 In the people who are saying the lyrics of the sociopolitical context of the Estimé song were taken as a era, light-skinned elite from commentary on the withdrawal of the national prominence. 11 At other times, performers were more in the cultural achievements of the explicit declaring admiration for Titime. A 1946 new government and the beloved song by Luc Jeanty contained the president hearts are truly happy, we've been following refrain: "Our time. The asking for President Estimé for a country is coming out of its darkness. I long guarantee, we are going to have can tell you now with a a new Haiti."12 nan Ayiti" (Here in Haiti), Lumane Similarly, in the song "Isit Casimir delivers new Haiti" founded on an ode to a "marvelous "peace" and "union." >13 The transformation in popular attitudes to pression of black noirisme, manifest in the exconsciousness in the arts, owed much ment's enthusiastic support of the to the governmovement. on which noirisme stood, Indigénisme, the foundation explicitly stressed national culture. A 1949 tourist bureau development of local sad" brochure suggested that the "half half vodou-djazz "may well become as gay, States."14 The Bureau popular as the rhumba in the United d'Ethnologie, under the directorship of Lorimer Denis 106 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance noirisme, manifest in the exconsciousness in the arts, owed much ment's enthusiastic support of the to the governmovement. on which noirisme stood, Indigénisme, the foundation explicitly stressed national culture. A 1949 tourist bureau development of local sad" brochure suggested that the "half half vodou-djazz "may well become as gay, States."14 The Bureau popular as the rhumba in the United d'Ethnologie, under the directorship of Lorimer Denis 106 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 122 --- vodou aesthetics, especially the rhythms in the late forties, heavily promoted According to of the nationalist program. and music as part government's of our national "as with literature and art, songs are an important part Denis, was, for U.S. writer unity."s That the state encouraged these developments "vital cultural who visited Haiti in 1949, nothing less than a Edith Efron, customs and folklore moved revolution": "The scientific interest in popular of the when the black government suddenly from the library to public stage and interested in for native expressions, 1946, sharing the new sympathy for the first time in Haiti's hisstimulating the tourist trade, encouraged and brought out the formation of native song, dance and drum troupes, tory which had SO long been educated Haiti's of hiding these native art forms, shame' 16 commitment to the promotion The greatest symbol of the government's of Estimé's lasting legaon a social level, and one of black consciousness that ran from December 1949 cies, was the lavish Bicentennial Exposition hundredth anniversary of to celebrate the two to April 1950. Organized showcase. the Exposition was a world-class the founding of Port-au-Prince, bay, the structhat extended across the Port-au-Prince Along the palisades cost to the government. To ture of a modern city was erected at considerable Street cleaning and the received a new urban look. facilitate this, capital of and vagrants were were initiated and scores beggars sanitation projects La Gonâve. 17 The government also rounded up and sent to the remote which over the course of Tourism in September 1947, created a Department in initiating a broad public relations of the next two years was successful Latin America. Over a dozen in the United States and across campaign the large numbers of foreigners the govhotels were built to accommodate Official figures suggest that tourto flock to the island.1 ernment expected reaching a total of 5,663 visitors the year ism rose steadily in 1947-1949, of Port-auApart from the massive restructuring the Exposition began." culture to the world. The Haiti's indigenous Prince, the Exposition exposed that took place in showcase of the Exposition was the folkloric performances Théâtre du Verdure and the rich display of ethnological the newly erected artifacts.20 culture in Haiti must, however, be This state sponsorship of indigenous U.S. cultural context. In the postwar period, understood in its regional facilisubstantially as economic expansion interest in the Caribbean grew Airlines expanded its sertated greater travel. After the war Pan-American Port-au-Prince became a North Americans seldom visited. vice to regions with Havana, San Juan, and Port-ofleading Caribbean destination along Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 107 tre du Verdure and the rich display of ethnological the newly erected artifacts.20 culture in Haiti must, however, be This state sponsorship of indigenous U.S. cultural context. In the postwar period, understood in its regional facilisubstantially as economic expansion interest in the Caribbean grew Airlines expanded its sertated greater travel. After the war Pan-American Port-au-Prince became a North Americans seldom visited. vice to regions with Havana, San Juan, and Port-ofleading Caribbean destination along Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 107 --- Page 123 --- with their attendant vices. In all these Spain, attracting North Americans African-based cultural forms were sites North American interest in "exotic" and thus exploited by local governments." widely appreciated its experience from The political context in Haiti, however, distinguishes form of vodou The promotion of a commercialized that of its neighbors. the tourist trade. Some commentoward exploiting music was clearly geared and director of the Centre d'Art, tators such as Georges Ramponeau, an artist that the significance about such endeavors. Ramponeau argued were cynical that only viewed vodou of the ceremonies was lost on a young generation little attention to the music, and dance as fashionable and paid rhythms, Even worse, this new interest in vodou significance of the ceremonies. of vodou priests and "primicommercial exploitation culture encouraged tive" artists. 22 out, the Estimé government Nonetheless, as Anne Greene has pointed than its and culture of the religion to the symbols gave a larger public profile nationalism strengthened the bonds predecessors? 23 These efforts at cultural In the United States, between Haitians and regional black organizations. advocate of Haitian promoWalter White of the NAACP became a tireless relations campaign aimed at correcting tion, and in 1947 he began a public similarities with moveof the country.2* While sharing negative stereotypes in Haiti thus had deeper social ments elsewhere, the cultural awakening its aspirations, the popular culture and articulating meaning, By supporting cultural All this came at the regime was able to secure moral and legitimacy. achievements and The next section reviews the political a heavy price. the reaction of the and critically analyzes failures of the new government traditional power structure to its rule. The "Reign" of the Authentiques was the transformation in characteristic of the new regime The defining elite. In a marked reversal of previous the composition ofthe ruling political areas of members of the black intelligentsia ran all major administrations, was extended to the coveted forand state affairs. This pattern governance the first time, the appointment of a black ambaseign posts including, for once the hub of elite political in 1946. The cabinet, sador to Washington devoid of milat membership2s In the control, was in 1947 almost entirely in the times, the men who assumed the prominent positions spirit of the the real inheriproudly referred to themselves as authentiques, and government furthest removed from Europhile culture tors of the legacy of Dessalines 108 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance pattern governance the first time, the appointment of a black ambaseign posts including, for once the hub of elite political in 1946. The cabinet, sador to Washington devoid of milat membership2s In the control, was in 1947 almost entirely in the times, the men who assumed the prominent positions spirit of the the real inheriproudly referred to themselves as authentiques, and government furthest removed from Europhile culture tors of the legacy of Dessalines 108 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 124 --- black nationalism drew on the ideology of the appearance. Their fiery associated. They were the public Griot writers with whom they were closely who, in the wake of face of the noiriste cause and included the writers Jean Rémy, vigorously championed the color argument: Lescot's departure, Dorsinville, and Emile St. Lôt. Joseph Déjean, Love Léger, Marc Séide, Roger denied most blacks in Blessed with the social and educational privileges pinnacle of the the intellectual the country, the authentiques represented mission. Dorsinmiddle class. Black power was for them a national black oft the group and head of Estimé's cabinet (1946ville, the most committed as having a "strange defined the vanguard of the new government 1949), defined to include all blacks," and black idealism" in which "class' was the masses like a shepmeant "a black leader and group leading power Dorsinville explained in reference to the herd."27 The "exploiters of class," risk "destroyed "could be converted to this philosophy" or being milat elite, deal of naïveté in this organic vision of by black power." >28 There was a great later of the Dorsinville recognized as much in a autocritique national unity. rhetoric of"a black nation" with "peasants, authentiques, who, despite their had no intention to depart prostitutes, and intellectuals coming together," from "social norms. 29 noiristes with political power, The authentiques, then, were essentially system under their collective desire to build an inclusive political bonded by were the bright young Turks the leadership of a black directorate. They the collapse of the courted by Estimé in the months following assiduously of his braintrust. They, in turn, found in first cabinet to become the nucleus associations, was Estimé a black leader who, in spite of his previous political naand willing to realize a truly sympathetic to the ideas they espoused tionalist policy. all Estimists, not all Estimists were authenBut if the authentiques were were many deAmong the members of this new "classe politique" tiques. the was not rooted in the same ideological votees whose loyalty to president but rather in an admiration for the foundations as their radical counterparts for the and social justice that Estimé represented symbol of democracy Indicative of this tendency is the experience majority of black professionals. A dark-skinned lawyer of Minister of Finance Noé Fourcand (1948-1950). that Estimé strived for Fourcand celebrated the color equality from Jérémie, of his peers: "Estimé opened rather than the loud call for black supremacy closer. As a black With Estimé, the blacks and mulattoes got everything. the Rex Theater and sit down. Before [the government man I could go into all advantages to to I couldn't do that. : . . He gave of 1946 came power] Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 109 --- Page 125 --- black Haitians, are good and he gave us opportunities blacks. He said we, That these divergent and showed us we were as brilliant as the mulattoes."0 radical than the other, could coexist within the government views, one more of Dumarsais Estimé, one of attributable to the person was to a large degree heads of state in Haitian history. the most misunderstood there are two distinct schools of thought In the literature on modern Haiti tradition of Haitian historians, in keeping with a strong regarding Estimé. black Haitians, are good and he gave us opportunities blacks. He said we, That these divergent and showed us we were as brilliant as the mulattoes."0 radical than the other, could coexist within the government views, one more of Dumarsais Estimé, one of attributable to the person was to a large degree heads of state in Haitian history. the most misunderstood there are two distinct schools of thought In the literature on modern Haiti tradition of Haitian historians, in keeping with a strong regarding Estimé. him as in the platitudes of Joseph nationalist writing, tend to mythologize to the not afraid to put his genius and intelligence Baguidy, "a sincere patriot writers typically offer a less service of his country"1 In contrast, foreign popuRobert and Nancy Heinl define him as a "peasant heroic portrayal. whereas Robert Rotberg offers an lis[t]" guided by a "fierce black racism, with no real love for or less sanguine evaluation of a "mere opportunist even who maintained a long from the masses. >32 Katherine Dunham, support white and a described him as "disliking people" association with Estimé, black nation were whose personality and vision of a unified tragic figure "strikingly similar"t to those of Toussaint. suggests as neither racist nor revolutionary. His biography Yet Estimé was in the small much.34 He was born on 21 April 1900. After a poor upbringing Artibonite plain, he was spared a life of poverty by town of Verettes in the financed his studies at the Law the generosity of an uncle in the capital who he practiced Upon graduating in the mid-twenties, School in Port-au-Prince. instructor at the Lycée Pétion. After law briefly before accepting a post as sedition, he became a vigdischarged by the Borno government for being and aligned himself with the nationalist orous opponent of the occupation of his public career, Estimé movement in 1930. During the early phase working in the as one of the more faithful politicians developed a reputation much criticized Vincent government. using corruption to he was not beyond But if Estimé was incorruptible, members of the lower ends. Once one of the few black achieve political wedded to the and skillful politician closely chamber, he was a seasoned the associaHe worked hard to form right machinery of Haitian politics. lent his support to the more tions, married into the elite, and consistently for admembers of the Senate in return political powerful light-skinned the ranks in the Such devotion paid off as he quickly rose through vance. that he was excluded from the several Vincent government. It is no surprise became minister of dissolutions of the mid-thirties. He eventually legislative of the Chamber of Deputies, a position that education and the president bid for the presidency in him the confidence to make an unsuccessful gave Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 126 --- President Dumarsais Estimé (center) faces the nation at a assumption ofe executive powers from the Comité ceremony marking his 16 August 1946. Members of the CEM Exécutif Militaire, election day, Franck Lavaud, and Antoine triumvirate, Paul E. Magloire (at Estimés Levelt (at Estimés left) salute the new right), ofCollection Georges Corvington. president. Courtesy 1941. Although he experienced the Lescot never rose in years with much frustration, he opposition to Lescot's misdeeds. He changing political tide in the was, however, alert to the of the old country in the years leading up to the regime. collapse As a black member of the Assembly he growing importance of color in the was in a position to see the self political maelstrom and accordingly. t (at Estimés left) salute the new right), ofCollection Georges Corvington. president. Courtesy 1941. Although he experienced the Lescot never rose in years with much frustration, he opposition to Lescot's misdeeds. He changing political tide in the was, however, alert to the of the old country in the years leading up to the regime. collapse As a black member of the Assembly he growing importance of color in the was in a position to see the self political maelstrom and accordingly. The youngest Haitian head of positioned himness to promote black state at the time, his willingpoliticians won him the as St. Lôt, Dorsinville, and, support of new aspirants such most important, Paul Estimé viewed himself as a man of Magloire. Once in power destiny with the country on its path to responsibility to lead his progress. Although his political record otherwise, he believed in the rhetoric of his black suggested argued that his regime had a historical power supporters who mission. His brilliantly crafted discourse written inaugural speech, a national renovation. "You by Dorsinville, outlined a program of have chosen among those who votes a man who is not widely known have sought your nor has a famous name, nor illustrious Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 127 --- have chosen and I am committed to birth. It is one of the masses you devoting myself to their cause. >36 himself to the reformism that his administration Estimé committed realize this that his unprecedented promised, and it was from his attempts to classes derived. He emthe black middle and popular popularity among that drew enthusiastic responses, parbarked on several regional tours who supported from people in the northern and central provinces ticularly innovations in education his reformism. Most beneficial were the large-scale vision of a new finally realized the noiriste reform. The new government drawn from the black middle class.37 technical and intellectual elite class and dozens of were given out in great regularity Government scholarships and the United States to pursue non-elite Haitians traveled to Europe young who created several schools in the provpost-secondary studies. Estimé, for the training of secondinstituted the L'École Normale Supérieure inces, the National Archives, and school teachers, used state funds to develop tenure ary initiated by Fignolé during his brieft continued the new school project rehabilitation led to an of education. 38 The government's school as minister the schools. The expansion of enrollment increase of 45 percent in primary including by several public works projects social services was complemented national census in 1949, as well as an campaigns, a road building, literacy campaign in 1949-50." rural development extensive UNESCO-sponsored by the state's of these pioneering reforms was superseded The importance new attitude toward labor. that the government would In his inaugural address, Estimé pledged >40 A serious against the abuses of employers." protect "all the hardworking including for the first time was made to adhere to this promise by and attempt in several articles of the new constitution freedom of labor organization of workers."1 The for the protection initiating a broad legislative program nominal role in the government, of labor, which up to then had a ministry ministries under the leadership of Emile became one of the most important under the rubric of Lôt and Clément Jumelle. address, Estimé pledged >40 A serious against the abuses of employers." protect "all the hardworking including for the first time was made to adhere to this promise by and attempt in several articles of the new constitution freedom of labor organization of workers."1 The for the protection initiating a broad legislative program nominal role in the government, of labor, which up to then had a ministry ministries under the leadership of Emile became one of the most important under the rubric of Lôt and Clément Jumelle. A labor bureau was created St. organized a national labor conference, the the ministry and the government "three years of experience in first of its kind, in May 1949 around the theme state of labor an exhaustive volume on the labor problems;" which produced in the country.2 were not without problems. As positive as these new measures were, they was with labor laws, legislation Since Haiti had virtually no prior experience of the and confusing, at times revealing a misunderstanding often faulty spawned from the labor situation. There were also several problems Haitian Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 128 --- influx of of labor institutions, such as the unexpected rapid development in the late forties, many of whom workers into Port-au-Prince temporary bureau would create jobs for the country's wrongly believed that the new it also added Not only did this affect labor in the countryside, unemployed. in the capital. More problemto the material problem of overpopulation in labor disputes. As we the role of state institutions atic was intermediary unions that this created serious tensions with independent shall see, unionism revealed tacit support of claimed that state interference in trade also made U.S. firms such as SHADA and HASCO U.S. imperialism. Large labeling labor much of this new role on the part of the Haitian government, interven- "communists" and occasionally threatening diplomatic officials the government did succeed in improvtion. 44 These faults notwithstanding, minimum wage from the status of urban workers by increasing the daily ing the framework for a social security 1.50 to 3-50 gourdes per day; establishing landmark child and female organizing social cooperatives; creating system; labor inspectors to ensure application of labor laws; and creating provincial these laws in the rural areas. 45 notable achievements, economic record, though boasting The regime's of financial liberation beless stellar. The electoral promise was ultimately Authentiques, staunchly nacame a cause célèbre of the new government. with the bitterly resented Lescot's 1941 agreement tionalist by nature, interference in the national budget and United States, which facilitated U.S. increased tax controls. Although agricultural exports imposition of stringent with relative prosperity, the economy after the war, briefly providing Haiti inherited the economic probremained fragile. The new regime, moreover, debt, espeand needed to reduce its outstanding lems of the Lescot years and due for repayment in 1947. A cially those accrued during the occupation Hudicourt, and Rigaud including Price-Mars, Gaston Margron, delegation the months of 1947 to negotiate a mortraveled to Washington in early million loan forgiveness of a 1938 loan, and a new $20 atorium on the loans, debts and the development of to help with the repayment of the occupation that The EX-IM bank denied the request on the vague grounds agri-business. "lack of detailed information on individual projthe proposal contained a ects" that the loan was intended to service.6 Estimé's decision to disappointed, the delegates suggested that Gravely accounted for the harsh reduce U.S. control over the internal economy that EXconference in Washington, Price-Mars argued reaction. At a press that "world conditions do not justify IM's reason for refusal was unfair and The U.S. black press interference or control of Haitian finances."7 foreign Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 113 "lack of detailed information on individual projthe proposal contained a ects" that the loan was intended to service.6 Estimé's decision to disappointed, the delegates suggested that Gravely accounted for the harsh reduce U.S. control over the internal economy that EXconference in Washington, Price-Mars argued reaction. At a press that "world conditions do not justify IM's reason for refusal was unfair and The U.S. black press interference or control of Haitian finances."7 foreign Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 113 --- Page 129 --- was equally outraged, arguing that it was blatant racism president who "refuse(d] to deliver his toward a black wrapped parcel,"48 The nation to Wall Street in a United States, they argued, neatly rebuilding efforts in war-ravaged preferred to support confusion. Europe and leave Haiti in An upset Rayford Logan turmoil and "Even writing in the Pittsburgh Courier Germany will receive more favorable stated, can people, Government, and consideration from the Amerifinanciers than the In Haiti, the new Negro Republic of Haiti." 49 government was left with few the money to pay the debt by its alternatives but to raise demonstrations own means. In one of the most in the career of any Haitian patriotic made a stirring radio address politician, a determined Estimé internal loan for imploring the nation to assist him in the repayment of the debt. raising an Calling the refusal disappointment" and claiming that "with them "a happy liberate the country."h he or without them we will appealed to the country's nationalistic arguing that it was everyone's sentiment, responsibility to was a speech of remarkable ensure full repayment. 50 It potency and take a drop in their salaries and effectiveness. Senators agreed to state revenues and put toward repayment. On 28 March private donations were dents staged a university and secondary schools stularge protest favoring financial liberation. The cinq millions became a popular cry of slogan Payons effort was a tremendous schoolchildren and workers,51 The success for the financial status of elevated Estimé's prestige the country and higher than any other president before government raised an internal loan of him. The million was used to off $7.6 million in July, of which five pay the occurrence in Haitian economic outstanding debt, an extraordinarily rare history. 52 Estimé also control of the National Bank by strengthened Haitian five and reducing its board of directors from six to appointing only Haitians to the board instead of the required three U.S. representatives and two previously noiristes Haitians. Equally managed to rally the country, if only significant, the cause. Reflecting on the temporarily, around a national moment, Fourcand surmised: cans had done nothing to help the "The white Ameristill they did not help. I was country. They controlled the banks and Minister of Finance and with the problem [of the debt] decided we had to deal Estimé, internally. . . . The bourgeoisie did not like especially because the three-month proved SO successful. It program of financial liberation was something very salines liberated the important in our history. Descountry politically and now Estimé try economically"ss liberated the counWith the triumph of financial liberation, September for U.S. assistance and Haiti made another bid in was once again rebuffed. Fortunately, the 114 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance Finance and with the problem [of the debt] decided we had to deal Estimé, internally. . . . The bourgeoisie did not like especially because the three-month proved SO successful. It program of financial liberation was something very salines liberated the important in our history. Descountry politically and now Estimé try economically"ss liberated the counWith the triumph of financial liberation, September for U.S. assistance and Haiti made another bid in was once again rebuffed. Fortunately, the 114 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 130 --- U.S. ambassador Harold Tittmann and government had the support of new was head of the minister to Haiti Norman Armour, who by mid-1947 former of the State Department. Armour in particuLatin American Affairs section assistance to interested in campaigning for U.S. economic lar was most a "somewhat different cateHaiti, arguing that Haiti had always occupied United States therefore from the other American Republics," and the gory toward the country.s It was not a historical had a "moral responsibility" both men but the volatile political obligation, however, that most concerned Haitian antiin Haiti of which they both were well aware. climate once the government began to enimperialism became most pronounced "disturbed by the state Armour and Tittmann were force nationalist policies. caused by the loan refusal towards the United States in Haiti," of opinion communist influences," and thus and "the use to which it might be put by to foreign relaofficials to adopt greater sensitivity urged State Department case and succeeded in tions with the island,s5 They made a convincing for the developfavorable loan of $4 million and technical support gaining a and a readjustment of the ment of the Artibonite valley, the tourist industry, engenbecause of "the anti-United States feeling [it] SHADA debts, which, >56 deemed the most "important thing to placate: dered," was loan eased somewhat Haiti's depenWhile the retiring of the occupation relief. The projects the dence on the United States, it was only a temporary able to raise. demanded more money than it was new government proposed policies. The debate over the U.S. officials still chafed at the administration's reflected much of this concern. The initial constitutional 1946 Constitution ofthe 1932 constitution draft sought to reverse the most stringent provisions the banning of exownership of land, and included limitations on foreign in retail. In the end, clergy, and the limiting of foreign intervention patriate persuaded the government to remove the protest of several foreign legations the objectionable clauses. 57 attempt to exert of the new government's The most important example nationalization of the banana control over local finances was the since the greater Standard Fruit, which was in operation in Haiti industry in 1947. during the postwar years. a period of relative prosperity thirties, experienced income earner with a total of Bananas became the country's second largest the first quarter $6 million in 1946. The banana industry thrived throughout in the rich Fruit made favorable offers to peasants of the forties as United and built wharves and and fertile Artibonite valley to increase production banana trade was an The prosperity of the roads at all the major ports. greater income for revolution for provincial trade by providing economic Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 115 years. a period of relative prosperity thirties, experienced income earner with a total of Bananas became the country's second largest the first quarter $6 million in 1946. The banana industry thrived throughout in the rich Fruit made favorable offers to peasants of the forties as United and built wharves and and fertile Artibonite valley to increase production banana trade was an The prosperity of the roads at all the major ports. greater income for revolution for provincial trade by providing economic Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 115 --- Page 131 --- and diversifying the export of peasant farmers, opening regional ports, endured during welcome reprieve following the problems smaller crops, a SHADA.58 revenues and to finance In April 1947, eager to gain control over these of the Estimé, well aware of the profitability several proposed projects, over the legislation providing for a state monopoly Artibonite crop, passed parceling and distribution of bananas. renewal of the Standard A few months later the government denied the Estimé disand relations with the company deteriorated. Fruit contract owned and operated by political allies, bursed concessions to six companies later with the that would be repeated a year including Magloire, a program this venture, the over tobacco. In launching issuing of state monopolies The newly contracted government proved to be extremely shortsighted. Fruit's vesand were overall inferior to Standard ships lacked refrigeration commanded a large demand on the sels. Haitian bananas, moreover, never of United Fruit averred, international market and, as one of the directors 59 In important trade connections. suffered greatly without the company's in the north of Haiti. Standard Fruit ceased entirely its operations the event, and made little attempt to offer were all mismanaged The new concessions and fertilizers. The peasants, peasant farmers incentives such as insecticides more time to the concessionaires, ended up devoting paid reduced rates by impaired their drought in 1948 severely other crops, though a devastating with Standard Fruit in Estimé renegotiated ability to do SO successfully. suffered from high debt. Early shipments 1949, but by that time the industry of the fifties seized to the debt. 60 By the beginning to Miami were pay of the national income. 61 Benefiting bananas accounted for virtually none unchecked system of state pathe local companies that exploited the only disaster from which the regime tronage, the project was an unmitigated would never recover. discussion is the contradictory What is most apparent from the preceding of On one hand, black power meant a rearrangement nature of black power. advance needed reto desperately the political order and an opportunity the other, it was an extension of forms seldom achieved under milat rule. On often used to middle class into the economic sphere and was quite the black The change in the corruption, and political opportunism. justify nepotism, several of them to exploit political fortunes of black politicians encouraged Rumors of minisin order to feather their own nests. their new positions official who diterial abuse, such as reports of a prominent government of of cement for a public works project to the construction verted barrels 116 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance the other, it was an extension of forms seldom achieved under milat rule. On often used to middle class into the economic sphere and was quite the black The change in the corruption, and political opportunism. justify nepotism, several of them to exploit political fortunes of black politicians encouraged Rumors of minisin order to feather their own nests. their new positions official who diterial abuse, such as reports of a prominent government of of cement for a public works project to the construction verted barrels 116 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 132 --- were all too common.s As the Estimé a personal villa in the suburbs, For all its such abuses of power became more apparent. years wore on, could not eradicate the fundamental rhetoric of social equality, noirisme intrinsic to the administrative problem of rampant graft and corruption structure of the state. blacks, along with the controversial The new prestige of middle-class traditional elite. The resentment from the power state reforms, provoked call for an indigenous clergy to Catholic clergy, angered by the government's condemnation. The the Breton priests, was most vociferous in its replace treatment of Haitian priests, French clergy was noted for its unfavorable and keeping them them assignments in distant provincial towns often giving out of the preferred Port-au-Prince posts. undermine the regime. On a Church officials employed various means to by Les in 1948, the director of the schools operated visit to Washington distraught over new government polFrères de L'Instruction Chrétienne, Haitians instead of foreign icies that several subjects had to be taught by Armour. In a lengthy called on former U.S. ambassador Norman priests, was supported by internadiatribe, he claimed that the Estimé government influence of the foreign communism, and the attempt to reduce the tional to break completely with U.S. and clergy was the first stage in a program state in the Caribinterests and establish the first communist European Père Foisset, one of the fervent opponents of bean.64 The more influential in the local press in which he vodou and noirisme, launched a campaign He adfor giving vodou national prominence. reproached the government the intervention of vodou vanced the fantastic argument that Estimé sought them by building to ensure his victory in 1946 and was now repaying the priests who he claimed influenced govnew vodou temples. The ethnologists the because most toward vodou sought to elevate religion ernment's policy 65 Duvalier and Denis, in response, acof them were devotees themselves. for the ignorance of the cused the Catholic church of being responsible in Haiti and 66 By 1948 Foisset was declared persona non grata peasants." the that he sought to disrupt governforced to leave the country on grounds ment affairs. between the noiristes and the Catholic church The propaganda battle intense of animosity in comparison to the distressing and atmosphere paled class and the milat bourgeoisie during these years. between the black political middle-class blacks greater While his social policies were intended to grant the centrality of experience made him sensitive to parity, Estimé's political He knew the importance of economic the bourgeoisie to the local economy. Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 117 that he sought to disrupt governforced to leave the country on grounds ment affairs. between the noiristes and the Catholic church The propaganda battle intense of animosity in comparison to the distressing and atmosphere paled class and the milat bourgeoisie during these years. between the black political middle-class blacks greater While his social policies were intended to grant the centrality of experience made him sensitive to parity, Estimé's political He knew the importance of economic the bourgeoisie to the local economy. Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 117 --- Page 133 --- their crucial role in the social to the status of the elite and recognized to the power electoral success, after all, owed much balance of the nation. His their skepticism of his of milat businessmen who, despite financial support connection to the ancien régime. Yet noiriste agenda, saw in him the only insufficient for position in the economic sphere was maintaining a privileged They from government positions. an elite that was increasingly marginalized formed the president's inner most feared the hostility ofthe authentiques who During determined at all costs to protect the new status quo. circle and were light-skinned members of Haitian the first two years of the administration, all social institudenied important posts in virtually society were routinely above violence the authentiques were not sanctioning tions. More important, victims of this retribution were Lescot's to remain in power. The immediate December 1946, for example, former ministers and functionaries. In returned to of state of the interior, Gontran Rouzier, former undersecretary of the arrested and imprisoned as part inquiry Haiti and was immediately U.S. embassy he was SO where, according to reports, into the Lescot regime unstable. 67 mistreated that he became mentally horribly caught between therefore found himself in a precarious position, Estimé he benefited and a new polititraditional bourgeoisie from whose goodwill a The clamor for radical change cal elite on whose devotion he depended. in the streets forced him to his black supporters in the legislature and among the elite that he would otherwise have reluctantly take measures against avoided. the carefully demarcated On occasion he was compelled to overstep his combetween economic and political control to demonstrate boundaries treatment of the pervasive problem of the mitment to social reform. His increase in demand for imblack market provides a useful example. The for elite businessafter the war proved to be a mixed blessing ported goods from the brief postwar boom, and the men. They gained substantial returns and fabrics, which the black market in cooking oil, basic food items, soap, his cabiin, thrived. Responding to pressures by more powerful participated the market. Much to the chaEstimé introduced severe restrictions on net, the first income tax in 1948. As a show of grin of the elite, he also introduced benefited from the tycoon O. J. Brandt, who not only force, Jamaican-born his fortunes grow in the black brief rise in coffee exports, but also saw for three days, though he was made an honorary market, was imprisoned after his release. 68 Yet such obvious efforts citizen of Port-au-Prince shortly noiriste attitude of the new politidid little to alleviate the at appeasement between the social axes. of reconciliation cians or create an environment 118 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance , he also introduced benefited from the tycoon O. J. Brandt, who not only force, Jamaican-born his fortunes grow in the black brief rise in coffee exports, but also saw for three days, though he was made an honorary market, was imprisoned after his release. 68 Yet such obvious efforts citizen of Port-au-Prince shortly noiriste attitude of the new politidid little to alleviate the at appeasement between the social axes. of reconciliation cians or create an environment 118 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 134 --- elite the sudden loss of political prestige was a great For the light-skinned the radio and in the newspapers, shock. The government propaganda on denouncing of their national identity by stripping the bourgeois politicians The conflict between only added insult to injury. them as non-authentiques, where the often played out in the National Assembly, these two social groups their black colleagues on a minority of milat senators frequently challenged few black members of the Henriquez, one of the variety of issues. Alphonse attacked Estimé who supported the milat senators, frequently legislature color prejudice far greater than Lescot in his paper Le Justicier for raising ever did. 69 underscored the raging tensions buildPolitical sparring in the legislature a clear incident that occurred in July 1948 provides ing in the city. A striking these of the level of tension between the two groups during illustration law student and son of In late June, Gérard Viau, a young light-skinned years. middle-class family, was named Alfred Viau, a judge from a prominent in Paris. A few weeks frontrunner for a government scholarship to study of the scholarhowever, Viau was not listed among the three recipients later, editorial in Le Nouvelliste, an outraged Alfred ship. On Sunday, 2 July, in an the Viau's name accused the minister of education of replacing younger Viau of color discrimination.20" The with that of his own son Ernest on grounds accusation stating strongly to the by noiriste paper, La République, responded of his son" for the scholarthat Laraque "like others quite naturally thought reference to the real the paper argued in an oblique ship. "The indecency." "on the of those who after whom Viau represented, was part bourgeoisie believed they were now able to having used and abused their privileges correct others."1 at the Imprimerie de L'État Three days later, the younger Viau appeared of La République confronted Estimé's personal secretary and director and work. The altercation between the two men Jean Rémy as he arrived for and shot Rémy three few minutes when Viau drew a pistol ended after a the where he was the The victim was taken to hospital times in chest.72 visit from the president. The pronounced dead shortly after receiving a remain obscure. On Viau the dispute to a violent conclusion reasons brought with the emotion of the debate the surface it appears that he was swept up retribution. Lyonel his father and the noiristes and decided to exact between Viau's actions were part of a larger plot concocted Paquin has suggested that Disgusted by the "mortal peril" by powerful members of the bourgeoisie. it.73 If this faced under the black regime, they planned to topple their class and his in the upper classes, it indeed the intention of Viau supporters was Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 119 --- Page 135 --- after the incident Viau was arrested. During his was ill conceived, for shortly station, barged through a mob of angry Estimists drove to the interrogation, and to mercilessly beat and dragged Viau out, proceeded the police guards, included a few government ministers stab him to death. The group allegedly on the orders of the the beating who, according to several reports, instigated president.? 74 to do with the murder, his governWhether or not Estimé had anything into the event was in the incident. 135 --- after the incident Viau was arrested. During his was ill conceived, for shortly station, barged through a mob of angry Estimists drove to the interrogation, and to mercilessly beat and dragged Viau out, proceeded the police guards, included a few government ministers stab him to death. The group allegedly on the orders of the the beating who, according to several reports, instigated president.? 74 to do with the murder, his governWhether or not Estimé had anything into the event was in the incident. A public inquiry ment was implicated Members oft the Senate as launched the following day but was not sustained. and the governwere stunned by the violent outcome well as the opposition For several days the city was ment's failure to launch a full investigation. Members of the and the threat of a color war was imminent. U.S. paralyzed terrified. After a failed attempt to secure Haitian bourgeoisie were most their home and lived for two asylum, Alfred Viau and his family abandoned to rebefore successfully gaining permission weeks in the Cuban Legation member in Dominican Republic. At least one milat opposition locate to the and relocated Franck Lanoix, resigned his position temporarily the Senate, that "Haitian mulattoes [were] in physical to the United States, claiming feeling" caused by the 75 U.S. officials remarked on the "unsettling danger." of violence' >76 The aftermath of the serious and ever-present "possibility attention from the affair by less conflictual. Estimé diverted incident proved week in which he called for national unity and issuing a speech the following the first cornerstone of the shortly after headed a lavish ceremony laying condemn the he would later publicly Cité de L'Exposition. In an interview giving two racism" in the country and modified his approach by "new style politicians portfolios in his cabinet.77 light-skinned continued to surface in smaller episodes throughout Still, color bitterness in late most at the Miss Haiti beauty pageant the summer of 1948, notably black contestant among a Paulette Guichard, was the only July. The winner, of whom hailed from the bourgeoisie. After host of light-skinned rivals, most accosted backstage by several of her victory, she was the announcement ensued, leaving her in such a disheveled disappointed contestants and a fight the award,78 The that she was unable to return to the stage to accept state proclaiming responded strongly by launching a press campaign in government and Estimé hosted a large dinner Guichard as a "typical Haitian beauty," her honor at the National Palace. 79 between the degenerative relationship Both these episodes emphasize bore the near-constant threat which the milat elite and the new government, confrontation with the lightof conflict. Although Estimé avoided open Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 136 --- role in such bitter disputes as the Rémy-Viau skinned elite, his controversial The state's to unify the bourgeoisie in opposition. murders was sufficient the of the these incidents also left no doubt as to strong position handling of and its willingness to resort to aublack government in these heady years milat elite were to have any methods to secure its rule. If the thoritarian the events of the summer of 1948 made it success in toppling the regime, of other powerful facclear that they would need the support abundantly of radical ideas unleashed by the tions opposed to Estimé. The plurality vibrant left made of 1946 and exemplified by a disunified yet movement such allies easy to find. Militant Labor and the Marxist Left Centers of Resistance: a unified movement with the revoHaitian black radicalism ceased being this more obvious as popular lution of 1946. thoritarian the events of the summer of 1948 made it success in toppling the regime, of other powerful facclear that they would need the support abundantly of radical ideas unleashed by the tions opposed to Estimé. The plurality vibrant left made of 1946 and exemplified by a disunified yet movement such allies easy to find. Militant Labor and the Marxist Left Centers of Resistance: a unified movement with the revoHaitian black radicalism ceased being this more obvious as popular lution of 1946. Under Estimé problem grew rivals in the governfactions, blocked from government posts by and pro-black Foremost among them was MOP ment, maintained a strong opposition. disillusioned with indomitable leader Daniel Fignolé. Fignolé fast grew its his exit from the cabinet. This attitude doubtless Estimé's politics following which the maneuvered of the way in president stemmed from a resentment far deeper to Estimé drew on differences his resignation. Yet his antagonism between the two we find writ large than mere power struggle. In the division forties. The most ardent in noiriste politics of the late the crucial disjuncture found the politics of the new governchampion of black supremacy, Fignolé abhorrent of the to the milat elite. He was equally ment far too conciliatory which he argued ran counter to the intellectual elitism of the authentiques, constituted a new black black nation. For him, they demands of a poor of social superiority and condereplete with all the attributes bourgeoisie, He reviled the greed of the inexperienced scension of past administrations. the flag of black power who were content with waving new black politicians, wealth. Black conquest of political while using state funds for personal of the milat elite insufficient for Fignolé; the economic strength power was the status of the urban workers and peasantry had to be destroyed and "asthenic" rather than "auderided the Estimé regime as elevated. Fignolé black government, as it offered thentic." 80 It was not a truly revolutionary remained the classes while the country only marginal benefits to popular corrupfamilies. P81 Moreover, the rampant "the property of sixty privileged created wider cleavages that accompanied the regime tion and opportunism the Revolution has not comwithin the black population: "To our mind, Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 121 --- Page 137 --- intellectuals who pretend to hold political pletely triumphed if the black whose existence is attentive to the tactics of the mulattoes power are not based on the division of the blacks. interpreted observers and Fignolé's enemies in the government Both U.S. and were wont to characterize the his analysis of Haitian polity as Marxist of politics his Indeed, in the context postwar professor as a communist.s liberal interests in the color-class analysis was sufficient to worry extreme remained staunchly opposed to communism country. Nonetheless, Fignolé Blum and Mao Zedong, he consisand, despite his open admiration for Léon Furthermore, unlike the tently criticized Marxists in his public statements. and milat ecoPSP and PCH, Fignolé's critique of Estimisme anti-imperialist extended to an attack on U.S. capital and nomic control in fact seldom the enmity of U.S. Haiti. On the he was careful to avoid presence in contrary, their decisive role in domestic politics. officials in the country, aware of in late 1946 Fignolé, of his party, Concerned with negative perceptions Duvalier, held a private accompanied by MOP's reticent general secretary, which he made clear d'Affaires Horatio Mooers, in meeting with U.S. Estimisme anti-imperialist extended to an attack on U.S. capital and nomic control in fact seldom the enmity of U.S. Haiti. On the he was careful to avoid presence in contrary, their decisive role in domestic politics. officials in the country, aware of in late 1946 Fignolé, of his party, Concerned with negative perceptions Duvalier, held a private accompanied by MOP's reticent general secretary, which he made clear d'Affaires Horatio Mooers, in meeting with U.S. Chargé only was "to anticommunist stance, arguing that the party's purpose MOP's of remarks the black masses. >84 Fignolé was SO fearful negative bring help to his enemies were "whispering which he claimed about his party's ideology, U.S. official "not to take his public to the embassy," that he urged the that be construed statements may declarations too seriously," especially welcomed U.S. interest in Haiti, He further remarked that he as anti-U.S. officials since the occupation displayed mistrust but resented the fact that themselves with the of the black majority by consistently allying in capacity the elite. was most feared by the adminAs alluring as his rhetoric was, Fignolé organization of popularity and the remarkable istration for his unmatched central in Haiti, Described by Jack West, chief of U.S. intelligence his party. condemns mulattoes for all of Haiti's ecoas a "racist organization, which inarticulate mass of disinherited nomic and political woes [comprised of] an remained illiterate, loyal only to their [mystical] chief," MOP Haitian blacks, from late 1946. 85 the foremost opponent of the new regime used his cabinet his brief period in the government, Fignolé During well-tuned and formidable force. His creation position to build MOP into a of the capital won him of several schools in the more poverty-stricken areas from the laborers the poorer classes and greater devotion new fame among in a Social Welaffiliated with MOP. Party dues were deposited regularly Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 138 --- leaders to effective use to ensure member loyfare Fund, which the put success owed much to his own self-discipline. alty. 86 Fignolé's organizational member of MOP's inner Casimir, editor of Chantiers and a leading Rodrigue students, notes that Fignolé circle, who knew Fignolé since they were young his days almost little time for recreation, devoting afforded himself very in the socializing to party matters." 87 He seldom participated completely like asceticism from his younger Haitians generally relish and expected national festivities. occasionally calling emergency meetings during the charges, Fignolé keenly understood Though demagogic in his political persona, decision collaboration and rarely took a major importance of intraparty he earned a his political bureau. As party president without first consulting of the several unions he for probity that won him the confidence reputation headed. of education and family as central to "the Fignolé stressed the importance for >88 To this end, MOP began a literacy program concept of revolution." school at its Rue Du Peuple headquarworkers with the creation of a night children of with a day school for members' ters. This was complemented extended to the rural areas, where MOP primary school age. These activities it to create its own schools in a few local unions; in 1948 planned La organized school certificates. În a subsidiary paper, lycée for the award of secondary wife, Carmen, the which was under the directorship of Fignolé's Famille, gender relations, and stressed the importance of parental guidance, party life of the 89 Under its "bureau of propachild rearing to the future country. adjacent an Institut Mopique, a small building ganda," ? MOP primary school age. These activities it to create its own schools in a few local unions; in 1948 planned La organized school certificates. În a subsidiary paper, lycée for the award of secondary wife, Carmen, the which was under the directorship of Fignolé's Famille, gender relations, and stressed the importance of parental guidance, party life of the 89 Under its "bureau of propachild rearing to the future country. adjacent an Institut Mopique, a small building ganda," ? the party also created public addresses in where senior members gave to the party headquarters and held bi-weekly screenings of and politics Kreyôl on history, geography, with the institute, the party films on world affairs. Along documentary which featured sporting events formed a social club called Club Mopiste, a Bureau and organized among the youth through and wedding receptions de L'Action des Jeunes and the paper Notre Jeunesse. Numeriboth in membership and syndicates. By early 1947 MOP gained allowed the party to become more cal strength and the freedom to organize hard-line image the party radical in its outlook. As if to emphasize this new The where it unveiled the MOP flag. held a large ceremony in mid-October the "hope of the Haitian flag boasted a green background representing red circle in the center in the struggle for Justice" with a large masses leaders who have died in the the "blood of all the popular representing 9990 The most dramatic feature of the flag, service of the cause of the masses. Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 123 --- Page 139 --- in the left-hand corner; a replica of the Dessalines however, was the design vertically beside each flag with two bands, black and red, placed imperial about this nearest the mast. 91 What was most significant other with the black colors. The black symbolized mopistes attached to its was the new meaning and the protec- >9 the "true leaders of the race the "shadow of Africa, pushing of 1805, however, did the country." The red, unlike the imperial flag tors of but "the rust of the chains of slavery, a Haitians, not represent light-skinned and the blood offered as sacrifice at reminder of the exploitation of the race fundamental aspect Caïman." 992 The symbolism of the flag points to the Bois that it more than the authenof Mop's self-assessment in 1947 represented virtue of its radical form of noirisme, and that it was by tiques, the most the real descendant of the revolutionpopularity among the popular classes, ary tradition. commitment to noirisme, its radicalism in Notwithstanding the party's the basis of As menthe late forties cannot be explained solely on ideology. the consolidated its paternalistic hold over working tioned above, the state domination of the labor scene through class by developing a program of total in producing of unionism. The success of this measure state sponsorship the late forties has also been noted. The preprogressive labor laws during competition for influhowever, were marked by an intense ceding years, against the left-wing labor that pitted the government ence over organized in between independent unions. The state's legal role as intercessor disputes the MOP such tensions. In this struggle, unions and patrons aggravated the class positioned itself against the government by emphasizing leadership appeal to the urban tensions in social relations. As is now apparent, Fignolé's critique of derived from his fundamental workers and the underemployed the Haitian class structure. found the at logFor most of 1947, labor disputes often government banner. The way with leaders of unions that fell under the SOT be gerheads labor issues to further their own ends cannot many politicians used these labor in Haiti, unlike elsewhere in discounted. and patrons aggravated the class positioned itself against the government by emphasizing leadership appeal to the urban tensions in social relations. As is now apparent, Fignolé's critique of derived from his fundamental workers and the underemployed the Haitian class structure. found the at logFor most of 1947, labor disputes often government banner. The way with leaders of unions that fell under the SOT be gerheads labor issues to further their own ends cannot many politicians used these labor in Haiti, unlike elsewhere in discounted. It is significant that urban constitin its infancy and the support of a working-class Latin America, was considered essential for political aspirants uency was, at least early on, the rapidity of unionmindful of labor's role in the revolution. Furthermore, with meant that unions were inevitably ization in a country riven poverty dissolution and reformation of battles. The absorbed into ongoing political union Statistical data on independent unions was a common phenomenon. inflated these unreliable since many syndicates membership are woefully of this practice, their importance. MOP was most guilty numbers to elevate Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 140 --- Puare Institut Mopique. The MOP flag hangs addresses a crowd ofs Fsupporters at Nationale d'Haiti. Daniel Fignolé 1947. Courtesy of Bibliothèque From Chantiers, in the background. members at any given that it had upward of 40,000 total memberclaiming repeatedly however, that at its peak in 1947 time. 93 It is safe to assume, never exceeded 10,000." unions for labor, and ship of all the independent of mass illiteracy, low demands chance of In view of the difficulties that labor unions stood little apathy, it is clear figures. Thus labor general political of prominent political worksurviving without the leadership the standard of living of urban while seeking to improve among labor leaders. bargaining, for political competition the ers, was more often a stage factor in the battle between SOT and of This was certainly a significant for the primary purpose Frequently strikes were encouraged be sure, did accede to the government. The government, to to strike for frustrating the government. leaders, who implored their workers 95 But repeated demands of SOT of the eight-hour workday. conditions, as in the recognition the main an antagonizing better and unions were in these were rare occurrences labor militants and state officials. leaders. bargaining, for political competition the ers, was more often a stage factor in the battle between SOT and of This was certainly a significant for the primary purpose Frequently strikes were encouraged be sure, did accede to the government. The government, to to strike for frustrating the government. leaders, who implored their workers 95 But repeated demands of SOT of the eight-hour workday. conditions, as in the recognition the main an antagonizing better and unions were in these were rare occurrences labor militants and state officials. force in the political war between and the Marxists as directors of imporof Fignolé the governThe aggressive presence labor In July 1947, frustrated the state's programs. tant unions Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 125 Now --- Page 141 --- a new law that regulated ment reacted firmly to this rivalry by promulgating and 34, salient elements of the law were sections 33 labor disputes. The most 96 These restrictions restricted strikes of a certain category." which severely addition to the law was extended in October when an obfuscating were strikes was retained, the law included passed. Although the right to organize strikes by all labor groups several legal limitations; in its broad application, deemed workers in the handicraft industry were except the unorganized 97 The purpose of the law was twofold. illegal and subject to strict sanctions. control of labor by First, it was clearly an attempt to secure government unions. Second, it was a impotent the power of the independent rendering companies and the landholding bourgeoisie concession to the U.S.-owned bitterly about in sisal, coffee, and sugar production that complained 98 engaged personalities in labor issues. the interference of antigovernment members of the SOT hierarchy, after In late October Fignolé and other wharf workers and bottling employees, precipitating small strikes among law and the retention of planned to launch a general strike against the new and were circulated to the press St. Lôt as minister of labor. Communiqués before the scheduled on the radio two days Fignolé made announcements small number of workers affilistrike. On the morning of the strike only a underestiunions and Fignolists turned up. Fignolé greatly ated with SOT and the popularity of the president. mated the strength of the government the of the interior issued a public declaration denouncing The secretary acknowledged their disstrike. At the same time, several unions publicly satisfaction with Within Fignolé's own ranks there was some approval." and thus less than half of the twentyEstimé's performance on labor issues, the strike. Blinded by unions under the SOT agreed to support nine grouped limited the impact of the strike Fignolé fatally his fervent anticommunism, FTH, which, in any event, was by failing to make overtures to the Marxist-led for the railway locked in talks with the government about improvements workers the FTH represented." 100 image. of the strike was a serious blow to Fignolé's political The failure alienated him from some of the union memThe harsh backlash it caused read Fignolé's efforts bers who began to defect to the FTH. These supporters for workers' conself-interest with little regard as rooted solely in political resigned from SOT.01 The cerns. In the face of public ridicule, Fignolé break the incident and attempted to Fignolé's government capitalized on SOT and issuing harsher strength once and for all by officially dismantling represthat in effect led to official regulations against union organizations teachers who were of MOP activists. 102 At the Lycée Pétion, for example, sion 126 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance for workers' conself-interest with little regard as rooted solely in political resigned from SOT.01 The cerns. In the face of public ridicule, Fignolé break the incident and attempted to Fignolé's government capitalized on SOT and issuing harsher strength once and for all by officially dismantling represthat in effect led to official regulations against union organizations teachers who were of MOP activists. 102 At the Lycée Pétion, for example, sion 126 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 142 --- under new measures taken by the Departparty members were terminated unions were most of the MOP-affiliated ment of Education. In Port-au-Prince outside of dissolve. Union organizers were attacked most viciously forced to of the army were more openly aggresthe capital, where the representatives week later to discuss sive. The socialists, who held an emergency meeting a failed strike, called the new measures a "major the implications of the inevitable victims.' 103 left the workers as the defeat" that unfortunately of the aborted strike for Fignolé Ultimately, the most damaging outcome the hierarchy. the internal division it created within party and MOP was who thus far had silently supported FigMop's General Secretary Duvalier, from its inception and disapnolé's actions, rejected the premature strike between leader's vehemence. A bitter dispute erupted proved of the labor Duvalier left MOP permanently, eventhe two men and a few months later of Labor, his of state in the Ministry tually accepting a post as undersecretary first government position. the scene. The party's These events limited MOP's strength on political by the police and forced to operate underground. rural offices were targeted however, did not stop Chantiers also began to appear less regularly. Fignolé, and in he the On the radio public his active opposition to government. actions for which he was periodiofficials, continued to attack government law public assemarrested and imprisoned. 105 A February 1948 against cally of the party but did not entirely bly led to the decline in the political strength and the party reguactivities. Education programs continued hinder MOP which provided an occasion for larly arranged "picnics" at Club Mopiste, At these and discuss current events. gatherings, members to meet informally with new lyrics to transmit leaders creatively used popular songs party however, by the middle of 1948 political messages. 106 For the most part, MOP's force was lessened. in the labor movement, the state Amid the color conflicts and restiveness movement. We by the communist had to contend with challenges posed shift in the ideology of the have seen how the events of 1946 precipitated a form of MarxMarxism-Leninism toward a peculiar PCH from orthodox infused in the party ideology. Still, it ism in which the color issue became with some of the strongest personalities was an organized left-wing party with this potential threat early by Estimé dealt of 1946 in its membership. members such as Alexis, Depestre, granting the younger, more fervent party in the fall of 1946. Gaillard scholarships to study in France and Roger leaders of the party adopted a defensive strategy, Thereafter, the remaining "civic courage" and "policies supporting the "anti-bourgeois" government's Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 127 ism in which the color issue became with some of the strongest personalities was an organized left-wing party with this potential threat early by Estimé dealt of 1946 in its membership. members such as Alexis, Depestre, granting the younger, more fervent party in the fall of 1946. Gaillard scholarships to study in France and Roger leaders of the party adopted a defensive strategy, Thereafter, the remaining "civic courage" and "policies supporting the "anti-bourgeois" government's Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 127 --- Page 143 --- U.S. imperialism. 107 They also favorable to the masses," while attacking "communist party is the color argument, holding that the openly rejected of blacks and mulattoes. >108 the party of reconciliation in Haiti troubled several The presence of an organized Communist Party concerned with interests in the region. Great Britain, for example, nations Jamaica, closely obwith the clamor for self-government in neighboring the British foreign communist activities in Haiti. In March 1947, served inaccurate report entitled minister received a lengthy and astonishingly of the Haitian youth "Communism in Haiti," which claimed that 90 percent threat to of the Communist Party, and that it was a dangerous were members The Soviet Union, through communist the stability of the government. financed the PCH, which deliberparties in Mexico and Cuba, supposedly institutions, particularly ately set out to sabotage other political parties and and the Sovietichurch, with the hope of launching a color war the Catholic criticized by the United zation of Haiti. The report, which was severely opinion on was indicative of the exaggerated international States embassy, of communism in Haiti. 109 the strength the PCH in 1947 was handicapped by serious Contrary to these concerns, members, difficulties. The removal of its most articulate young internal and Baker, lessened its appeal among the young Depestre, Alexis, Bloncourt, before the fulcrum of 110 In the medical school, only a year intelligentsia. admiration for Estimé, who was careful youth activism, there was a general were the crucial for the students. 111 Most debilitating to display respect Juste Constant resigned in the leadership ofthe party. On 10 March, changes tract, bearing his name when an unauthorized his post as secretary-general confidence in the of the lower classes to "have government and urging circulated around the Estimé which is the best we have ever had," President became the de facto head of the party and city.l12 Edris St. Armand then suffered as a result of the bureau, but his efforts sought to rebuild political yielding to pressure from its limited popular appeal. On 22 April 1947, the state of Considering opponents, the party issued an autodissolution. the persecution in the rest of Latin America, particularly communist parties decided that their party was also of the Cuban PSP, Haitian communists threatened."3 communists are hunted and persecuted the same All over the world has called their Hitler hunted the Jews. The national bourgeoisie way claimed that the entire country is communist even imperialist allies and in the administrathough there is no communist in an important post 128 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance the state of Considering opponents, the party issued an autodissolution. the persecution in the rest of Latin America, particularly communist parties decided that their party was also of the Cuban PSP, Haitian communists threatened."3 communists are hunted and persecuted the same All over the world has called their Hitler hunted the Jews. The national bourgeoisie way claimed that the entire country is communist even imperialist allies and in the administrathough there is no communist in an important post 128 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 144 --- is the card of [economic] strangulation tion. The Bourgeoisie playing the PCH all the burdens allies and thrown on with their imperialist in an effort to return the Haitian peothat derive from their exploitation PCH will not be used as a ploy by ple to their defenseless state. . The to create neighbor who takes the pretext of our existence our aggressive After analyzing this sitmisfortunes for the Haitian people. irreparable d'Haiti, in all lucidity, has decided to issue uation, the Parti Communiste in the Americas to the opits dissolution until there is strong resistance in and history necessitates its participation position of the proletariat STRUGGLE FOR THE ABOLITION OF ALL CLASSES. the GLOBAL to Michel Hector, was essenThe decision to abolish the party, according of the of their "imbibed noirisme" and conscious support tially an outgrowth 115 This, however, is only a partial explana- "anti-bourgeois government." in the wake of Juste suffered several problems tion. The party hierarchy financial turmoil by 1947. The increasing Constant's resignation and was in abilities. also weakened its organizational anticommunist state repression in communist supmoreover, suggests unanimity Hector's explanation, of tolerance in the regime's attitude to port for Estimé and a large degree leaders Edris The situation was quite the opposite, as communist the party. Gérard Montasse, continued to struggle St. Armand, Roger Mercier, and and well into the next individually against the government throughout 1947 the PCH by and attempted to renew year. In January 1948 they regrouped Haîtien Communist Party, the Parti Ouvrier Progressiste forming another labor but the successful in gaining support, (POPH). They were marginally the Senate, in violation of Articles suffered greatly when a month later party party organization, passed a through 26 of the constitution legalizing anticommunist law.,16 modified version of the 1936 activities did not pass decision to outlaw communist The government's debate that led to the approval of the unchallenged. In the highly charged remained divided on the issue as government opponents law, the Assembly The debate in the Chamber in both houses voiced strongly their disapproval. the sole Marxist in the found Rossini Pierre-Louis of the PSP, of Deputies that the law would lead to further lower chamber, admonishing the deputies Leading the both communist and liberal.17 regulations against all parties, black senator from Port-de-Paix, opposition in the Senate was the elderly that the new himself not a communist, who argued Alphonse Henriquez, only to win favor with the United States, bill was a tyrannical law designed second EX-IM loan. To suppress then still deliberating on the proposal for a Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 129 --- Page 145 --- violation of these he argued, was a dangerous the communists on grounds, and evendemocracy as it would lead to persecution the country's fragile to obtain a loan and a few opposition. "All this furor . . just tually greater chastised his fellow senators as being mere sycoHe vague scholarships2-us interests and the promise of political phants motivated only by personal audience had to be ejected The debate was SO heated that the large Hengain. of the bill.n9 In the end, because of occasional outbursts in protest Estimé later admitted to a lone voice was unable to sway the Senate. endemocracy as it would lead to persecution the country's fragile to obtain a loan and a few opposition. "All this furor . . just tually greater chastised his fellow senators as being mere sycoHe vague scholarships2-us interests and the promise of political phants motivated only by personal audience had to be ejected The debate was SO heated that the large Hengain. of the bill.n9 In the end, because of occasional outbursts in protest Estimé later admitted to a lone voice was unable to sway the Senate. riquez's directed against "small groups of leftwing U.S. official that the law was Marxism" and were "able to intellectuals who have absorbed too much infiltrate the government positions: >120 and the over the state of communism in the country Increased concern to the internal and external fear of destabilization was essentially a response in global the regime. The rapid and dramatic change pressures visited upon the onset of cold war tensions, intensified politics after the war, marked by communism in the western concerns over the spread of U.S. foreign policy meant nonintervention, cold Where the Good Neighbor Policy hemisphere. indirect pressure on Latin found the United States exerting war diplomacy communist parties. From this perspecAmerican states that had prominent accords with the pattern of of communism in Haiti tive, the history postwar found elsewhere in Latin followed by harsh repression brief legalization, color conflict, notaAmerica.' 121 However, the strength of the ideological the Haitian absent from communist repression elsewhere, distinguishes bly concerned with rumors that the 1947 loan request case. Estimé was gravely viewed his regime as communist.' 122 denied because the United States was and the mainstream U.S. press often confused U.S. officials in Washington with communism, although offithe radical nationalism of the authentiques no real threat to cials in Haiti were aware that the Communist Party was at the state ,123 From the moment noirisme was consolidated internal stability. the black government the government's nationalist policies, level, through communist. 124 It is significant to recall as being was frequently portrayed the basic policies of that the policy of the PCH had in several ways accepted less forceful and and after the dissolution of the party remained the noiristes, thus less threatening. communism in 1948 was part of a Thus the government's push to abolish the taint of radicalism from its international broader attempt to remove the fractured political relastrengthen economic ties, and repair image, States. In defense of his regime Estimé told tionship with the United of becoming in 1947, "Haiti is in no danger a New York Times reporter Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 146 --- Seated at the head of the table are Socialist Party meeting at party headquarters. 1947. Courtesy of Bibliothèque A and Max D. Sam. From La Nation, Étienne Charlier Nationale d'Haiti. to communist peneconditions in Haiti are not suitable ideolcommunistic. The individualistic to be led off by foreign [The peasants] are too and the repression of the tration. the of the law of ogy."12s Yet even after passage communist card by telling U.S. officials 126 Estimé played the to silence them.' communists, posed and the state's attempts the constant threat they his regime were unfailingly explained manifestations against Spontaneous attempts at destabilization." campaign against as communist-inspired comprised one half of the Marxist experiThe PCH, however, Party had an altogether different The Socialist and the repression the state. post-1946 the dissolution of the PCH the daily ence under Estimé. Following true party in the country, with the PSP remained the only Petit, the principal of MOP, affiliated L'Action, run by Georges found their La Nation, and its paper and his communist associates not opposition papers. St. Armand the POPH floundered, though former rivals in the PSP once an umbrella way to their 128 The Socialist Party thus became Marxist symwithout some resistance." socialists, communists, and for dissident leftists, organization in the late forties. daily ence under Estimé. Following true party in the country, with the PSP remained the only Petit, the principal of MOP, affiliated L'Action, run by Georges found their La Nation, and its paper and his communist associates not opposition papers. St. Armand the POPH floundered, though former rivals in the PSP once an umbrella way to their 128 The Socialist Party thus became Marxist symwithout some resistance." socialists, communists, and for dissident leftists, organization in the late forties. by a marked improvepathizers social presence was augmented The psP'sincreaseds the Hand Have a Chance 131 Now Both Sides of --- Page 147 --- labor. In 1947, the small Marxist-led ment in its involvement with organized Haîtiens (FTH), the first with the Fédération des Travailleurs unions joined founded in November of the central labor organization in the country, and chaufwith four unions of electricians, sailors, mechanics, previous year directors of the FTH were socialists, the principal feurs. Four of the eight of whom, after ending Fernand Sterlin and St. Armand, the latter ones being unions-wharf workers, soft drink the PCH, brought five communist-led workers-to the Fédérabottlers, manufacturers of foodstuffs, customhouse had reach in the provinces, tion.' 129 In contrast to MOP, the FTH significant the South, and the federations in Port-de-Paix, the Northwest, with regional activities the Socialist Party established local Artibonite. Through its union members.' 130 During this the country with dues-paying sections throughout unions, though several of these period, the FTH crested with over fifty-one of the domidissolved almost as fast as they emerged. The presence unions membership in the Fédération and nant St. Armand in the FTH extended The of the Marxists in the organization. illustrated the early importance Marxist ideas during this period extent to which union members supported of this influence, in the it appears that at the peak is not known, though much for the the dissolution of SOT, there was sympathy period following that PSP spokesmen in the FTH organization and the democratic principles aimed at the columns in Kreyol advocated. La Nation also published regular labor unions was comFTH's union members.' 131 The party's success among the formation of a youth arm in early 1948. The Jeunesse plemented by included radical milat youth such as Progressiste de Port-au-Prince (JPP) student at the Andrée Roumer, and a fiery young agronomy Albert Joseph, with radical dawn of what would be a long and turbulent engagement politics, Jean Dominique. 132 expectedly raised infiltration of socialist ideas in the labor movement The forces intent on extirpating left-wing the concern of the pro-government dual of the Haitian labor activism. The image influences from working-class made manifest in the and color-based, was movement, at once ideological leftist in the FTH of the FTH. That the most active personalities This composition Communist Party only intensified division. were from the defunct attitudes of left and out, for example, in the contrasting rivalry was played The principal figure and secretarycentrist leaders to party affiliations. but more fervently general of the FTH, René Victor, was anti-imperialist Federation and advocated a collaboration with the American anticommunist inroads in Haitian labor, to counterbalance of Labor, then seeking to make on influence of the Marxists. 133 His Marxist counterparts, the growing Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 148 --- establish ties with the left-wing of the the other hand, pushed the FTH to position was Cubanos. The principal figure and secretarycentrist leaders to party affiliations. but more fervently general of the FTH, René Victor, was anti-imperialist Federation and advocated a collaboration with the American anticommunist inroads in Haitian labor, to counterbalance of Labor, then seeking to make on influence of the Marxists. 133 His Marxist counterparts, the growing Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 148 --- establish ties with the left-wing of the the other hand, pushed the FTH to position was Cubanos. The anticommunist Confederacion de Trabajadores with the National Labor Bureau, strengthened by its crucial political links his successor, a post as director. Although where Victor eventually accepted with the PSP, the and anti-U.S. Victor Vabre, was affiliated the French-born the National Labor Bureau proved more promise of greater benefits with alluring to union leaders. 134 effectively meant The alliance between the FTH and the government the titular Marxist orientation of the FTH. In March, a reduction in the whose anticommunism deepened head of the FTH, Milien Josué, a seaman ideological split the union along after a brief residence in Cuba, decidedly Armand, Sterlin, and the decline in the role of St. lines, resulting in a sharp and the other anticommunist other Marxists. 135 By the middle of 1948 Josué (FHT), formed the Fédération Haîtienne des Travailleurs leaders left and the FHT, remaining under with them the largest unions. By 1950 taking federation in the country, with the suzerainty of the state, was the largest and coffee washers unions, two of which, the tobacco union nearly thirty-six of women. The FTH worked more union, were composed almost entirely militant labor in 1948, and closely with Estimé following the repression of establishment of night its connections with workers through the deepened and the issuing of FTH jackets to schools, programs on trade-unionism, unions from the FTH and the 136 The removal of the stronger union members." unions reduced the repercussions of the legislation against antigovernment the end of the decade. 137 more than a board of directors by FTH to nothing of Marxists in 1947, they became increasingly Despite the strong influence to more in the labor movement once the FTH began cooperate marginalized and like MOP ultimately fell victim to state closely with the government, claimed that government militant labor. The socialists efforts to destroy indication of Estimé's subsersanctions against independent unions was vience to "yankee imperialism." with the labor movement in these Although the PSP had mixed results as the of its leadership it maintained its importance years, owing to strength the PSP of By virtue of its intellectual provenance a central party opposition. voice after 1947. Its radical approach owed was the most articulate leftist that occurred in the middle of much to unexpected and tragic circumstances turn of events, the party's the On the evening of 4 May, in a bizarre year. found over his desk in his leader, Max Hudicourt, was slumped enigmatic wound to the chest and a revolver clutched in his home office with a gunshot that drove Hudicourt to take his right hand, an apparent suicide. The reasons Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 133 --- Page 149 --- ascertained. The night before, he had attended a life have never been clearly offering little Rigaud's house at Rue Camille-Léon, party meeting at George hint of his intentions.' 139 were profhis death and several explanations Radicals were stunned by retribution Petit hinted that his death was an assassination, fered. Georges constant agitation and wanted to send a by the authentiques who despised his carried much 140 Such claims loud message to the government's opponents.' had planned to when it was learned that Hudicourt weight in Port-au-Prince of the civil and military authorities most reveal in La Nation the names the article lay on his desk when his responsible for graft (ironically, a draft of 141 Others rumored that a U.S. his death and several explanations Radicals were stunned by retribution Petit hinted that his death was an assassination, fered. Georges constant agitation and wanted to send a by the authentiques who despised his carried much 140 Such claims loud message to the government's opponents.' had planned to when it was learned that Hudicourt weight in Port-au-Prince of the civil and military authorities most reveal in La Nation the names the article lay on his desk when his responsible for graft (ironically, a draft of 141 Others rumored that a U.S. agent had been responsible body was found). this Those closest to him, that persists to day.42" for the deed, an explanation unrelated to political claim that in reality the suicide was wholly however, 143 Whatever Rather, it was a tragic end to a month-long depression. intrigue. articulate and influential Max Hudicourt sigthe reasons, the death of the members of the first loss of one of the few remaining naled the important Haitian leftists. generation of Marxist-influenced convictions of the more committed It nonetheless did little to defuse the the doctrinaire the Under the leadership of Rigaud, Lespès, Marxists in party. brother-in-law from Les Cayes, Étienne Charlier, and Hudicourt's wealthy a more orPierre-Louis, the party began tohew more closelyto deputy Rossini death forced Charlier to assert a Hudicourt's thodox Marxism-Leninism. ofthe party. As the party's leadstronger leadership role as secretary-general editorials in La Nation that outing voice, he wrote several thought-provoking and the necessity for a radical agenda. lined the evolution of Haitian politics in his annual report premeeting in 1948, Charlier At the party's general of the party and critique of the sented a clear and insightful self-assessment at the base of the He admitted that the color question was noiriste regime. by itself. In moments of social structure and would not disappear country's alternative. "If the PSP economic crisis, it emerges as the dominant political "it was because as have the support oft the masses in 1946,"1 he argued, did not the situation in terms of class where a Marxist party [it was] forced to look at of color' >145 The banana was embroiled in a struggle the collective psychology had exposed the administration scandal, the economic bane of the Estimists, from the previous for what it was, a "black petit bourgeois" minority, different clas-consciousness in color only. Such disasters could only intensify regime Roumain, could claim that in these With confidence, Charlier, paraphrasing and more and more the conflict-ridden years "the color question is passing >146 that color is nothing, class is everything' masses are realizing Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 150 --- Charlier's members of the PSP strongly supported The darker-skinned interview with Robert Alexander, critique of Estimist noirisme. In a 1949 the revolution of 1946 was Leonard, editor of La Nation, insisted that Roger made by Haitians of different classes and revolution" "an anti-imperialist depicted by noiristes as a "revolt of blacks colors, and that was now falsely argued, that Fignolé lacked mulattoes." It is for this reason, Leonard against as ultimately there was "no the "moral right" to oppose the government, 147 Max Sam, the most 3 between MOP and the government. basic difference" that Estimé's color politics was black member of the PSP, argued prominent issues of social and economic exploitaa distraction from the more pressing for the developneeded was a program tion. What the country desperately "Estimé only appealed to ment of its most deprived and illiterate majority. of "blacks in power. them to the belief the emotions of the poor by rousing there was no was no real ideology. In the black government, But there unity. No ideology to save Haiti.148 it would be unfair to suggest Despite its provocative critique of noirisme, administration. é's color politics was black member of the PSP, argued prominent issues of social and economic exploitaa distraction from the more pressing for the developneeded was a program tion. What the country desperately "Estimé only appealed to ment of its most deprived and illiterate majority. of "blacks in power. them to the belief the emotions of the poor by rousing there was no was no real ideology. In the black government, But there unity. No ideology to save Haiti.148 it would be unfair to suggest Despite its provocative critique of noirisme, administration. all the policies of the Estimé that the PSP blindly opposed of the Catholic church and of the reactionary politics The party disapproved nationalist position in its battle with the commended the government for its "island of blacks in the middle of a French clergy, arguing that Haiti was an state" of the of whites," which perpetuated the "semi-colonial continent The stance on through its agents in the church.149 government's country much favor among party members. Lespès and financial liberation also won of income and develfor the redistribution Rigaud created an economic plan needed agricultural of food crops that sought to improve desperately opment the Columbia University-trained agronomist, revenues. 150 Jules Blanchet, of national economy resigned from the party and became undersecretary office. Likewise, in and director of the government's tobacco monopoly ambassadorial Sam and Michel Roumain accepted two-year October 1947 a decision that Sam maintains posts to Rome and Brussels, respectively, of democracy in the country to demonstrate the party's support was taken socialism.151 The party's affirmation and gain greater exposure to European of noirisme fueled attacks against of a nonracial ideology and repudiation >152 That socialists deof "young aristocrats. it as a bourgeois organization leaders for their ideas mattered little to nounced most of the light-skinned the staunchly noiriste groups. disturbed by the more radical Even SO, U.S. officials were extremely in light of of the party, which, despite its "relative insignificance approach President Estimé," deserved to be watched the predominant position held by Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 135 --- Page 151 --- with the communists, they also kept a "very carefully."ss As was the case several instances offitoward the PSP. In watchful eye on Estimé's policies the PSP as he was that he was not as vigilant in repressing cials complained in socialism at the state with Fignolé and MOP, insinuating an interest the Haitian left, completed in April 1948 by level. 154 An exhaustive report on conclusion Jack West, arrived at the following U.S. embassy representative political group in Haiti and as about the PSP: "The PSP is the only organized that this party will certain respect as well as fear. The danger such inspires in Haiti is not imminent, but it exists and take over the reins of Government repression. 155 unless checked by Governmental will tend to increase Haitian left in the late forties, two concluFrom the above portrait oft the in the labor be drawn. First, the level of organization and success sions may demonstrates that the left was at its most movement, albeit short-lived, within the movement along class and powerful after 1946. Yet the divisions and expansion as state color lines proved as prohibitive to its development role in Second, the noiristes in power assumed an autocratic repression. outside the government. On one level, this dealing with their enemies It was also a reactradition in Haitian politics. continued a well-developed the popular classes facithe of radicals among tion to growing importance The conflict between the noiristes, litated by the post-1946 political context. of previous years, and themselves an integral part of the protest movements radical militant left must be seen as part of a broader contest among the radicals left open the possibility that forces. noiristes in power assumed an autocratic repression. outside the government. On one level, this dealing with their enemies It was also a reactradition in Haitian politics. continued a well-developed the popular classes facithe of radicals among tion to growing importance The conflict between the noiristes, litated by the post-1946 political context. of previous years, and themselves an integral part of the protest movements radical militant left must be seen as part of a broader contest among the radicals left open the possibility that forces. The continuing divisions among and foment a serious the milat elite would capitalize on this weakness radical dominance. This issue of division among challenge to black political itself would play a signififorces and within the structure of the government its sudden the foundation of the state and inciting cant role in weakening need to closely examine the and dramatic collapse. To appreciate this, we narrative of the last phase of the "Estimé revolution." political Internal Struggles and Estimists in Retreat to fell the presidency proved to be The forces with the greatest potential the of this that brought the noiristes to power. As beginning the very ones Estimé claimed among the chapter revealed, the popularity and support measure due to the reformism of his administrapoorer classes was in large scene were of on the national political tion. Yet the true guarantors power or the popular the authentiques, not state officials, the weakened bourgeoisie, whose support had officers in the military classes, but the commanding Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 152 --- Estimé demonstrated his gratitude to the assured Estimé's political victory. black officers to privileged armed forces by promoting several high-ranking For many offiin the upper echelons of the military bureaucracy. positions a scholarship to study like Robert Bazile, who was given two-year cers and who headed the census bureau in 1949-1950 statistics in Washington denied them under the previous regime upon his return, these were grants 156 Estimé also elevated further incentive to support the noiriste cause. and a of Armée d'Haiti in 1947. As empowering as these the Garde to the status alliance between the state did not redress the fragile measures were, they threat of opposition and the army, nor did they remove the ever-present associated officers, particularly the one most closely from powerful army with the president, Paul Magloire. the advice of his most radical parBy the summer of 1947, Estimé, on of potential decided that the expulsion tisans in the National Assembly, reduce the threat of opposition in the cabinet was necessary to opponents Chief among them was Minister of growing within the administration. on wage conCharlier, who made declamatory speeches Commerce Phillipe of the armed forces, the growing power ditions to strikers. Recognizing cabinet shakeup by getting highEstimé sought to profit from the large-scale subterfuge. A post as ambassador ranking officers out of the country through colonel, however, was created for Magloire. The to Chile was hurriedly intention and left the capital for two notified by a palace spy of Estimé's functionthe president to give the appointment to another weeks, forcing and Lavaud both turned down similar ary.157 On Magloire's advice, Levelt and the president that offers. The incident drove a wedge between Magloire Estimé, deterioration of their relationship. In late 1947, led to the gradual Magloire's appointee as hoping to gain support from other officers, replaced staunchest military supStephen Woolley, with one of his chief of police, black major in the army whose influence porters, Marcaisse Prosper, a young recognized the the lower-ranking officers. weeks, forcing and Lavaud both turned down similar ary.157 On Magloire's advice, Levelt and the president that offers. The incident drove a wedge between Magloire Estimé, deterioration of their relationship. In late 1947, led to the gradual Magloire's appointee as hoping to gain support from other officers, replaced staunchest military supStephen Woolley, with one of his chief of police, black major in the army whose influence porters, Marcaisse Prosper, a young recognized the the lower-ranking officers. Magloire was increasing among on the political scene, and in president's attempt to undermine his position and he confessed a desire to overthrow the government private conversation run as president. 158 and worked closely toAlthough they maintained a public friendship the relationthe left opposition, by the fall of 1949 gether in the fight against and rumors of overt attempts to usurp ship between the two men had soured however, was unwere rife. 159 The political climate, the president's power Magloire, too, was inof opposition to the popular president. supportive concessions he managed. Still, the ambitious volved in the corrupt banana Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 137 --- Page 153 --- He continued to colonel was far too strong a force to be underestimated. members of light-skinned and black have overwhelming popularity among members of the traditional the officer corps and grew closer to powerful favor among these in Haiti. He won much elite and U.S. representatives labor policies, xenophobia, by privately opposing the government's groups of the cabinet. The Haitian army thus remained and the black supremacy divided in its allegiance to Estimé and Magloire. ally, he was by no means IfPaul Magloire was the regime's most dangerous camof his presidential threat. Prior to Magloire's support its only military officer who ensured his Estimé owed a considerable debt to another Roland. paign, of in May 1946, Colonel Astrel election in the Chamber Deputies the appeal of dechoukaj the heated months following Lescot's ouster, During who served under Lescot or reached fever pitch and virtually all politicians Estimé the aid chance of reelection. Aware of this, sought Vincent stood little who had been the Garde's of Colonel Roland, a milat of significant influence, and who was officer in the Artibonite region for nearly twenty-five years chief elections. 160 Roland's intervention on the directing officer for the Verettes to the Chamber of behalf proved crucial in securing his reelection Estimé's Magloire's support for him in Port-au-Prince. Deputies and in bolstering and faced with Desirous of a swift victory in the turbulent campaign promised the antagonistic challenges from all sides, Estimé unwittingly that in the government and may even have suggested Roland a high position the of his term of he would be his first choice as successor on expiration from his anti-milat overwhelmed by demands office. 161 When the president, his Roland in the cabinet, failed to make good on promise, supporters to be transferred from the distant became restless. His first demand was Guard in Port-auand stationed in the privileged Palace Artibonite post aspirations, alwho was wise to Roland's political Prince. Since Magloire, with the president's devised a plot ready occupied this position, Magloire Estimé Roland a position to remove Roland as a threat. In 1947 gave consent conference in Haitian attending an international as head of the delegation not to return to Haiti but to leave Ecuador. In Quito, Roland received orders attaché. Realizing where he was to serve as military directly for Washington, Roland left Ecuabetween Magloire and Estimé, an enraged the complicity There he took refuge with his close ally dor for the Dominican Republic. and former Dominican Anselmo Paulino, head of Trujillo's secret police underestiBoth Estimé and Magloire seriously minister in Port-au-Prince. Roland formed Roland's determination, as once in Santo Domingo mated milat dissidents, including Alfred Viau. Roland received orders attaché. Realizing where he was to serve as military directly for Washington, Roland left Ecuabetween Magloire and Estimé, an enraged the complicity There he took refuge with his close ally dor for the Dominican Republic. and former Dominican Anselmo Paulino, head of Trujillo's secret police underestiBoth Estimé and Magloire seriously minister in Port-au-Prince. Roland formed Roland's determination, as once in Santo Domingo mated milat dissidents, including Alfred Viau. alliances with other exiled Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 154 --- from Trujillo they launched a formidable opWith considerable support Following a much publicized against Estimé from Ciudad Trujillo. position from Estimé's decision not to have Trujillo appointees clash in 1946 resulting the Dominican dictator, who falsely serve as ministers in Port-au-Prince, of the Dominican Republic, accused Estimé of plotting a 1948 invasion assault on the Haitian waited for an opportunity to launch a full quietly the impetus. Their most powerful government. Roland and Viau provided Voz Dominicana, widely rewas the radio and on the station La weapon and vulgar anti-Estimé atceived in Haiti, Roland broadcast inflammatory Dominican planes flying over Port-au-Prince tacks beginning in early 1949. overthrow of the regime. In pamphlets and called for a popular dropped letter was sent to the State Department order to gain U.S. support, a lengthy the failures of the Estimé signed by the three men outlining in Washington of encouraging blacks to enact "vioregime. They accused the government class," which was under constant lent action against the unarmed colored of blacks of the lowest social exclusively threat from an army "composed officially the refurther argued that Estimé was prescribing level." They and primitive voodoo cult, of Christianity with the "barbarous placement sacrifice," and, with the help of the army, orthe ritual of which is bloody and several other light-skinned dered the assassinations of Hudicourt, Viau, opponents. 162 renewed the serious tensions between the Trujillo's support of Roland declared. Although countries. In Haiti, a national state of siege was two in of a court martial of Roland several public statements were made support on the little effort was made to enforce it. The government, from supporters, harsh measures to deter local opponents other hand, preferred to use was on all pubwith Roland. 163 During the state of siege, a ban placed siding the influence of opposition parties. These actions lic meetings, thus limiting such as Paul Cassagnol, presidrew immediate protest from conservatives repression. 164 dent of the PPSC, who saw them as justification of government Roland that even with support in Haiti, once Estimé rightly recognized he would not be easily silenced. After had as powerful a protector as Trujillo, Commission, Haiti and intervention from the Inter-American Peace seeking declaration advocating intolerance to the Dominican Republic signed a joint the national security of or individuals who attempted to disturb the groups the year Haitian officers on either party. 165 Despite this, throughout of invasion as the intrigue several conspiracies and plots border betrayed continued. Roland's strong attacks aroused a between Estimé and Roland classes in favor of the governpatriotic response on the part of the poorer Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 139 --- Page 155 --- of Estimé in Haiti. The local press and radio ment and widespread support and disregarded Roland as revived the painful memory of the 1937 massacre PSP Even the antigovernment a traitor against the progressive government. the presidency. 166 Such rare in La Nation criticized Roland for dishonoring later in the year once the universal support for Estimé changed dramatically made obvious his intentions to succeed himself. for president the reasons that motivated Estimé to press One can only speculate on for his actions, as mandate. --- Page 155 --- of Estimé in Haiti. The local press and radio ment and widespread support and disregarded Roland as revived the painful memory of the 1937 massacre PSP Even the antigovernment a traitor against the progressive government. the presidency. 166 Such rare in La Nation criticized Roland for dishonoring later in the year once the universal support for Estimé changed dramatically made obvious his intentions to succeed himself. for president the reasons that motivated Estimé to press One can only speculate on for his actions, as mandate. There is obvious historical precedent a second mentor, Vincent, had used most of his predecessors, including his political in power. Given the power struggle the same method to secure political factors. of the late forties, there seem to have been other precipitating Haiti desperate to retain their privileged position Most certainly the authentiques, a second term. Some the president to consider in Haitian society, pressured could allow for a return to the old feared that a weakening of his position which from its element in noirisme, order. There was also a fundamental evil in the advocated authoritarianism as a necessary modern inception To this must be added Estimé's political competitive Haitian political arena. Indeed, the grandiosity of the personality and high sense of self-importance. Estimé's of he received for it, and handling Exposition and the recognition of To varying degrees the Roland affair, definitely created illusions grandeur. constitution of 1946 to in Estimé's attempt to revise the these factors figured include a provision for reelection. desire to succeed himself Government officials hinted at the president's celebratelection from as early as January 1949 during speeches in the next revolution.' 167 That Estimé made calcuing the third anniversary of the 1946 of the PCH and toward reelection is found in his banning lated moves before. It was, however, the legislarestrictions on labor activism the year the which began in October 1949, that presented tive electoral campaign, the stage for reelection. with the first opportunity to prepare government on 16 August 1952, the same year Estimé's term of office was set to terminate Estimé had limited supsenators would be elected to the Senate. Although his seeking reelection depended on good port in the Senate, sitting senators would challenge a revealed little indication they favor and consequently chamber. It was therefore critical constitutional revision tabled in the lower be of loyal to the president for the government that a chamber deputies in elections. The government spared no measure elected in the January 1950 for the duration of the electoral realizing this. The state of siege was lifted In early Sepwere allowed to meet freely. campaign and opposition groups bestowing on the threeelectoral law was passed in Congress tember, a new Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 156 --- for voter registration, the member communal councils the responsibility ballots. To and the final counting of the guarantee conduct of the elections, councils elected for four-year terms in support, nearly all of the communal reasons after 1947 and 1946 were removed from their posts for various executive appointment by known Estimists. replaced through extreme opposition from leftists The government's actions precipitated uncooperative sectors of in MOP and PSP and from disparate, generally To weaken the growthe opposition now united against the government. another from the dissident groups, the government passed ing challenge all activities and meetings anticommunist decree in November prohibiting the to be of a communist nature. As expected, deemed by the government and labeled all opposition groups government interpreted the law broadly and Franck in the Senate, Henriquez communist. The president's opponents L'Union des Indépendants, called Lacroix, formed a new political group a revived been relatively inactive for nearly year, and Fignolé, having of thousands at the partyheadquarters. . another from the dissident groups, the government passed ing challenge all activities and meetings anticommunist decree in November prohibiting the to be of a communist nature. As expected, deemed by the government and labeled all opposition groups government interpreted the law broadly and Franck in the Senate, Henriquez communist. The president's opponents L'Union des Indépendants, called Lacroix, formed a new political group a revived been relatively inactive for nearly year, and Fignolé, having of thousands at the partyheadquarters. MOP, holding large general meetings resistance to the electoral The joining of these forces presented a popular was not limited Opposition to the government campaign in Port-au-Prince. candidates in several to the capital. Reports suggested that government homes for fear of mob action southern provinces were forced to leave their against them.' 169 worsened. In early November MOP joined In Port-au-Prince the situation influential milat businessmen forces with the PPSC, which included several Lacroix movement to and the Henriquez and and Catholic organizations, defended his alliance with the conform the Front Démocratique. Fignolé communist influence of the servatives, as an effort to fight the widespread accusations against his party, Fignolé government. In an effort to deflect were "merely a cloak" argued that the government's anticommunist policies "communists" from the PSP democratic countries. In reality, to "impress" direction toward "tersuch as Max Sam were influencing the government's 170 Relying on the ror" and "totalitarian methods against all opposition: strike the Front planned and organized a general strength of the Fignolists, manifesto that called the government. servatives, as an effort to fight the widespread accusations against his party, Fignolé government. In an effort to deflect were "merely a cloak" argued that the government's anticommunist policies "communists" from the PSP democratic countries. In reality, to "impress" direction toward "tersuch as Max Sam were influencing the government's 170 Relying on the ror" and "totalitarian methods against all opposition: strike the Front planned and organized a general strength of the Fignolists, manifesto that called the government. The Front issued a ten-point were against of the communal councils, whose members for the reinstatement of all anti-labor legislation. The replaced by the executive, and the removal strike and merge was intended to precipitate a general commercial protest demonstrations nationwide.' 171 with other anti-Estimé and international attention, Concerned over the upcoming Exposition but he also reluctant to take violent action against his opponents, Estimé was Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 141 --- Page 157 --- realized the severity of this threat and the Front's advice of Magloire and Lavaud, he wide support. On the and ordered the arrest of all the immediately reimposed the state of siege leaders. The Haitian police adhering to these orders, violently were ruthless in members of various beating student leaders and jailing six opposition groups, including Marcel prominent senator Charles Fombrun, son of Fombrun, and Lespès of the PSP. opposition alliance escalating into Fearful of the of repressive policies that recalled popular unrest, Magloire issued a series dency. Eight the harshest days of the Vincent presinewspapers were immediately shut tiers and La Nation down, the presses of Chanthe among them being smashed, and three PPSC, L'Union des political parties, cal leaders Indépendants, and the PSP, were were forced into hiding. Étienne dissolved. All radinito and Fignolé narrowly Charlier fled the capital incogbassy. Senator escaped arrest by hiding in the Jean David, the president's close Argentine emtrying to overthrow the advisor, who was accused of leave the country.172 government by Magloire factions, was also forced to With the opposition effectively silenced, the elections continued. In the face of threats plans for the legislative all independent candidates from rabid pro-Estimé groups, including Rossini Numa boycotted the elections and Pierre-Louis and Edgar Néré withdrew their very thin evidence, publicly blamed the candidacy. Estimé, with with Roland and used the strike on communist complicity occasion to clamp down on the Socialist Although Roland had nothing to do with the activities Party. movement in Haiti, he was far of the opposition from out of the picture. In the Republic the campaign against Estimé continued Dominican published a pamphlet that was to gain momentum. Viau Caribe and circulated printed in full in the Dominican paper El widely across the region. Entitled Hospitable and Democratic Dominican "Impressions of the it was Republic during the era of presented as a conversation between Viau and Trujillo," dictator assuming the role of comforter. Trujillo, with the Aside from pamphlet was a scathing attack on the black lionizing Trujillo, the "cannibal, thief and bandit," Viau government. Calling Estimé a "the most dangerous Bolshevik argued that the Haitian government was cell in the Antilles, [ruled chy"73 The wide circulation oft this by] bloody anarassault against the Haitian pamphlet was but the first stage in a new government. In December, through sheer good large-scale plot orchestrated fortune, Estimé received word of a Jimani, Haitian by Trujillo and Roland. In the border town of police officers discovered a large cache home of a Roland associate, Jean of weapons in the Dupuy, who was subsequently killed the Now by Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance the Antilles, [ruled chy"73 The wide circulation oft this by] bloody anarassault against the Haitian pamphlet was but the first stage in a new government. In December, through sheer good large-scale plot orchestrated fortune, Estimé received word of a Jimani, Haitian by Trujillo and Roland. In the border town of police officers discovered a large cache home of a Roland associate, Jean of weapons in the Dupuy, who was subsequently killed the Now by Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 158 --- conducted by the Organization Haitian police. In the ensuing investigation of milat officers States, it was discovered that a cadre expelled of American and money by Trujillo and Dominican associates were given ammunition with launch a raid that would culminate in Port-au-Prince and planned to Lavaud, and Prosper. 174 The details of the assassination of Estimé, Magloire, of the Dominican Legation in the adventurous plot included the burning for a Dominican invaPort-au-Prince by Trujillo agents, giving them reason Dominican minisof the regime. Fearing for his life, the sion and overthrow Lora, betrayed the conspiracy to ter in Port-au-Prince, Sebastiân Rodriguez after fleeing to the United minister Vilfort Beauvoir shortly Haitian foreign national, were arrested, and fightStates. Over forty officers, including a U.S. for several between Dominican forces and the Haitian army ing continued support from Venezuela days along the border. Estimé received diplomatic back down. An extensive Cuba. International solidarity forced Trujillo to and events was launched and its report presented in OAS investigation into the involvement of Trujillo confirmed the undeniable and extensive March 1950 his of Roland and his associates and in the plot.' 175 Trujillo withdrew support International leave the Dominican Republic. ordered that they immediately dangerous advance by the attention succeeded in quelling a potentially hand. Estimé's Dominican Republic and temporarily strengthened tensions in Haiti. Still, it had little effect on political and economic in the attenthrew himself obsessively into the Exposition, reveling Estimé The glowing reviews it received in foreign tion it brought Port-au-Prince. called it the Caribbean's "bravest advenpublications such as Life, which of his regime to Haitian ture," was for Estimé validation of the importance the economic could not camouflage history.' 176 But good international press dissatisfacwhich only added to popular damage the Exposition wrought, the counthere was a consistent increase in sisal production, tion. Although considerable increases in costs of try's major export, coffee, experienced interests in the city to support antiproduction, forcing many commercial administration causes. 177 by a series of ecoThe impact of the banana scandal was accentuated effort to boost the failures related to the tourist industry. In an nomic advice, contracted with two uncountry's tourism, Estimé, acting on poor businessmen to develop casinos. During the two-year prepascrupulous U.S. funds from the government ration for the Exposition, they expropriated hotels and a boxing arena where coffers for shady ventures, including several with their and convinced the president to contract fixed fights were staged, 178 Not surprisingly, none of this associates for architectural developments. Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 143 to boost the failures related to the tourist industry. In an nomic advice, contracted with two uncountry's tourism, Estimé, acting on poor businessmen to develop casinos. During the two-year prepascrupulous U.S. funds from the government ration for the Exposition, they expropriated hotels and a boxing arena where coffers for shady ventures, including several with their and convinced the president to contract fixed fights were staged, 178 Not surprisingly, none of this associates for architectural developments. Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 143 --- Page 159 --- money yielded positive returns for the and could boast to a U.S. observer country one of the casino owners bitious that the funding for the adult literacy program depended government's amsino. 179 The casino, and the entirely on the success of the canewly erected amusement fair, tourists that came to the country. To this attracted only the government used in was added the $2 million the developing the frontier town of Belladère city. The general extravagance of the into a modern economic problems. Over Exposition, moreover, worsened the $4 million of a national was appropriated for the Exposition. 180 budget of $13-4 million forgiving in its condemnation Public opinion was harsh and unof the state's misguided and arguing that Haiti had neither the material wanton expense, venture as grand as that nor moral means to withstand a proposed by Estimé, 181 To his own president threw himself into the detriment, the Exposition with little quences, like Henri thought of the conseChristophe and the Citadel over a The January elections succeeded century before. 182 tional Assembly in creating a lower house in the Nawholly subservient to the president. With this 3 April Estimists pushed support, on through a revision of tion that barred reelection. provision 81 of the constituThe provision was Chamber of Deputies and, unanimously approved in the given the color divisions in the expected to have a similar there Senate, was hearing as well. To the authentiques, and no doubt Estimé surprise of the intense debates, voted himself, the Senate, after a week of against the passage of the bill on 18 opposing senators was Emile St. Lôt, April. Leading the post in France with recently returned from a diplomatic possible presidential thus far an Estimist, shocked the aspirations. The enigmatic St. Lôt, considerable influence president by switching sides and using his over several other senators to ing the revision. 183 It was widely held support him in opposby U.S. and Haitian desperate Estimé promised the sources that a ported the amendment opportunist St. Lôt a large sum if he but reneged on it when he St. supbecame more thought Lôt's demands extravagant. As a result, one of Estimé's staunchest supporters in the Senate became his most noiriste officials had already dangerous political enemy. U.S. questioned St. Lôt's to was also believed that allegiance Estimé in 1948. 184 It the Magloire promised St. Lôt the Senate against Estimé. The defection of presidency ifhe swayed ened the several black leaders opposition bloc in the Senate, which strengthHenriquez and a small of previously had been led by Déjoie. After the debate group light-skinned senators, most notably Louis only three senators leaned on the The unanticipated side of revision. 185 rejection of the in the lash in the chamber created proposal Senate and the backa fierce three-week crisis that shattered the hold 144 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance Senate against Estimé. The defection of presidency ifhe swayed ened the several black leaders opposition bloc in the Senate, which strengthHenriquez and a small of previously had been led by Déjoie. After the debate group light-skinned senators, most notably Louis only three senators leaned on the The unanticipated side of revision. 185 rejection of the in the lash in the chamber created proposal Senate and the backa fierce three-week crisis that shattered the hold 144 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 160 --- the dissident majority in of the noiristes on the state. On Déjoie's prompting of govinto the financial manipulations the Senate called for a full inquest of finance were accused of ernment officials since 1947. Both ministers for various spending nearly twenty million gourdes extra-constitutionally of the Senate. Several government officials, projects without the approval attend the sessions, which Duvalier and Fourcand, refused to including monitored police officers. 186 The debates became SO hostile they had to be by bias. The noiriste paper, La République, took on a clear class pro-Estimé in Déjoie harsh criticisms of Déjoie particular. reacted strongly by issuing and supporting Roland in an accused of accepting funds from Trujillo was milat intervention. 187 effort to embarrass the government and justify enemies outside of the crisis, Estimé's Fearful of the long-term potential their challenge to the reof the legislature, black and milat, reinvigorated The tensions of reelection was Magloire. gime. The most powerful opponent of the two months precedbetween the two men increased over the course factions also began to debate. By this time, bourgeois ing the constitutional court the army chief. weakness, Estimé requested that On 21 April, showing signs of increasing he drafted for a U.S. army the United States ambassador approve a proposal that following his the Armée d'Haiti. 188 He clearly felt mission to reorganize over the past two and his pro-U.S. policies support for the OAS investigation his earlier nationalist poliadministration would forgive years, the Truman d'état. 189 Equally cognizant of this cies and support him in the case of a coup the authenrefrained from taking action against fact, Magloire scrupulously of government scandals in the tiques, aware that the continued exposure action. As force the to resort to drastic unpopular Senate would government continued to block the publication the crisis reached boiling point, Estimé the intransigence of senatorial decree. Such efforts did little to mollify of the resolution calling for the lifting the Senate. Déjoie and Henriquez drafted a in Déjoie's words, of that if the resolution passed, of the state siege, hopeful that the survival of won't last three weeks. 190 The president realized "Estimé command. He offered lay in his ability to weaken the army high his regime if he incited a sergeants' revolt Major Prosper money and a political position and the futility of fightMagloire. Recognizing Estimé's desperation against refused. 191 ing the dominant Magloire, Prosper a Estimé from the legislature or the military, desperate With little support enforcers. Chief among them placed his fate in the hands of his most extreme When utterly devoted to the president. Léon "Ti-Roi" Bordes, a businessman in the fight against became known that Fignolé, now backing Magloire it Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 145 --- Page 161 --- workers' strike agreed to use his influence to launch a large-scale Estimé, Bordes arranged for a counter-demonstration against the regime on 6 May, overwhelmed the antiof rioters and politicized gunmen who completely government strikers. there, it would have weakened Had the efforts of the Estimists stopped him with more time to the capacity of his opponents and possibly provided control over the Estimé, however, had little negotiate with the senators. machetes and shouting "Vive violent mob assembled by Bordes. 161 --- workers' strike agreed to use his influence to launch a large-scale Estimé, Bordes arranged for a counter-demonstration against the regime on 6 May, overwhelmed the antiof rioters and politicized gunmen who completely government strikers. there, it would have weakened Had the efforts of the Estimists stopped him with more time to the capacity of his opponents and possibly provided control over the Estimé, however, had little negotiate with the senators. machetes and shouting "Vive violent mob assembled by Bordes. Brandishing then in session, le Sénat," the mob marched to the Senate, Estimé! A bas ransacked the chamber, barged in, torched the archives, and completely pulling the tiles within its reach before eventually destroying everything throughout the streets and popular from the floor. Demonstrators moved drums and carryto the gates of the National Palace, beating neighborhoods documents as trophies of the destruction. ing pieces of furniture and Senate At St. Lôt's house, a The dissident senators narrowly escaped the onslaught. arrived. the and a shootout ensued before the police large mob stormed gates would escalate into a civil fear that the demonstration There was great Indeed, the ferocity of the actions of war and possibly a color conflict. milat businessman this notion. Estimists captured the Estimists supported to lead a milat strike against Lucien Chauvet and accused him of attempting beaten before According to his testimony, he was viciously the government. the police intervened." 192 weakened, the support of believing the force of his opposition Apparently classes behind him, the presiStates and the popular the United guaranteed, cabinet and the Senate and the next dissolved the dent unconstitutionally It included Joseph L. Déjean as head, day announced his new cabinet. Demesmin as minister of Duvalier as minister of health and labor, Castel all of security, and Love Léger as minister of education, interior and national enemies. 193 That same evening, moved by whom were Magloire's most vocal radio addemonstration in his name, Estimé made an emotive the public Palace in which he commended the dress from the steps of the National defenders of democracy, who stormed the Senate for being the true crowds and displaying "an eloquent attitude "demonstrating a political maturity" 9194 This open support of in the history of the nation. without precedent demonstrations since the slaughter one of the country's most violent public the death knell of the President Vilbrun Guillaume-Sam in 1915 was of Estimé regime. created immediate tensions The dissolution of the Senate on May that they were command. Lavaud and Levelt argued within the army high Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 162 --- the president in his decision. Several forced by their position to support the other hand, claimed he black officers sided with them. Magloire, on the the senators. Lavaud on presiwould resign his post in order to protect 195 The influential that evening, dent's orders prepared to arrest Magloire a violent retaliation Magloire and threatened police chief Prosper supported carried out. Summoned if the orders were against his pro-Estimé colleagues Lavaud and Levelt capitumeeting at the Cassernes Dessalines, to a private formed for the protection of the senators, lated. A military committee, uncovered lists of senators the National Assembly and reportedly guarded Lavaud personally went to the government who were to be assassinated. of the decree dissolving office that night and stopped the printing printing the senate. eleventh-hour pledge to withdraw the proposal Estimé was desperate. An of the tenth, he sumfound no 196 On the morning for reelection support. his office and confessed that Magloire, moned U.S. Ambassador DeCourcy to d'état.' 197 He attributed and Lavaud had presented him with a coup Levelt, to the betrayal of rapid breakdown of his political power the astonishingly avarice led them to make unrealistic demands Magloire and St. the decree dissolving office that night and stopped the printing printing the senate. eleventh-hour pledge to withdraw the proposal Estimé was desperate. An of the tenth, he sumfound no 196 On the morning for reelection support. his office and confessed that Magloire, moned U.S. Ambassador DeCourcy to d'état.' 197 He attributed and Lavaud had presented him with a coup Levelt, to the betrayal of rapid breakdown of his political power the astonishingly avarice led them to make unrealistic demands Magloire and St. Lôt, whose with the ambassador for U.S. of him. Shaken and erratic, Estimé pleaded and restore his to "save Haiti," stave off potential anarchy, intervention he sought the interadministration. 198 When it was refused, unsuccessfully An hour later, with little hope of salvaging vention of the Mexican embassy. the resignation letter Dumarsais Estimé signed his regime, a vanquished stroke to an end the most Lavaud had prepared for him and in one brought noiriste regime the republic ever experienced. Conclusion forces that four years earlier envisaged a radical By 1950 the progressive all but defeated. The military junta transformation of Haitian politics were transition ouster once again took its position as the that oversaw Lescot's nationalist regime SO quickly reach an government. Why did Haiti's black The failure of the Estimé inglorious end? There are several explanations. a result of a to hold on to state power was in large measure to government The of black middle-class access misreading of political attitudes. opening of the January revolt. The to fulfill the goals state power after 1946 promised social conditions. Yet did make a genuine effort to improve government the between the state and civil society. there was little attempt to bridge gap of the regime's appeal, was while an important aspect Black consciousness, Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance 147 --- Page 163 --- insufficient to address the economic and social problems of the country. Estimists also made little effort to eradicate the spoils system entrenched under Lescot. Black power was often used as justification for black participation in the corruption of the state bureaucracy. These factors served to underline the disconnect between the government and the populace. By overestimating his strength and appeal, Estimé was unable to come to terms with the growing alienation of his regime. In the face of mounting popular protest from the Marxist left and independent labor, the state responded with repression. Finally, the noiriste government was unable to control the growing strength oft the Haitian army that helped to install it. Once the shaky alliance between the state and the armed forces was broken, there was little chance of survival. 148 Now Both Sides of the Hand Have a Chance --- Page 164 --- CHAPTER 5 Blacks without Color Military Rule and Radicalism in Transition, 1950-1957 t Shaking the head will not break the neck. HAITIAN PROVERB In 1950 I fought my enemies, and today I will back on my iron pants and fight them once put more. PAUL MAGLOIRE, 1954 Forward on Electors! We can find happiness. In Fignolé says they want him to be April 1957, president of the republic. CAMPAIGN SONG, 1957 We are going to vote SO we can make the country evolve. -CAMPAIGN SONG, 1957 Let us not forget that 1956 will complete 1946. -FRANÇOIS DUVALIER, Souvenirs d'un campagne, 1957 ew observers who witnessed the fall of Estimé, H military rule, and the the reassertion of general political changes in could predicted that Haiti was on a chaotic have fall, his former ally Paul path. In the wake of Estimé's Magloire became hand than his president, ruling with a firmer predecessors. Under his administration fought to pick up the pieces of its late forties a disoriented left right in Haiti and the destruction. A sharp turn to the region as a whole their The drift from Estimé-era black impaired chances of success. economic consciousness and an situation created an urban environment increasingly desperate that of the forties. markedly different from The preceding chapter emphasized the divisions within the radical op149 of Estimé's Magloire became hand than his president, ruling with a firmer predecessors. Under his administration fought to pick up the pieces of its late forties a disoriented left right in Haiti and the destruction. A sharp turn to the region as a whole their The drift from Estimé-era black impaired chances of success. economic consciousness and an situation created an urban environment increasingly desperate that of the forties. markedly different from The preceding chapter emphasized the divisions within the radical op149 --- Page 165 --- of the government to its challenges. This position and the forceful response misunderstood as that during the fifties, a decade frequently chapter argues became more volatile. In and prosperity, this relationship an era of stability adopted a series effort to maintain dominance, the military government an Persecution, a more vigilant of measures aimed at destroying its opposition. contribpolitical and economic system U.S. foreign policy, and a debilitating confused form of radicalism, and uted to the resurgence of a new and more campaign the near anarchic battle for power in the presidential ultimately to which marked an end to the postoccupation of 1956-1957. This campaign, of the present discusof political renewal, forms the centerpiece and promise must first the institutionalization sion. To begin, however, we explain consequences of military governance. The Consolidation of Military Rule created both a political vacuum The removal of Estimé by a military junta in the coup from the left and center expected and dilemma. Participants the leader. The most rewards for their part in deposing popular political hoped for the presidency. The junta, opportunistic of them ambitiously of following its experihowever, aware of its importance as the arbiter power authorito state control to civilian ence in 1946, did not intend relinquish four years, all part of of army personnel the previous ties. The promotion officers in a stronger position than Estimé reformism, placed high-ranking Moreover, the political context direction. ever before to determine political that of as Estimé's fall was not different from 1946, of 1950 was considerably clash between but by an internal political precipitated by a popular uprising, The ideological furor that within the power elite. two dominant groups also began to recede in contributed to the erosion of the Lescot presidency had not thus at a time when elements of opposition 1950. The junta emerged contained. Still, the become more divided but were also more easily only that the democratic rhetoric of the past four years immediate crisis required be pursued. This was be preserved and some respect for electoral procedures regardconsidering the state of international opinion even more necessary downfall. Walter White, for example, in ing Estimé's sudden and unexpected the loss of a president who commented that he regretted a letter to Magloire, the reputation of Haiti from being "within the past two years (transformed] to its true status as one of the country inhabited by uneducated people a poor in the world."! most charming places elections to be held. Local garrisons easily It was thus necessary for 150 Blacks without Color some respect for electoral procedures regardconsidering the state of international opinion even more necessary downfall. Walter White, for example, in ing Estimé's sudden and unexpected the loss of a president who commented that he regretted a letter to Magloire, the reputation of Haiti from being "within the past two years (transformed] to its true status as one of the country inhabited by uneducated people a poor in the world."! most charming places elections to be held. Local garrisons easily It was thus necessary for 150 Blacks without Color --- Page 166 --- controlled small protests against the junta in the virate was able to regain international provinces, and the triumrecognition and appointing a civilian cabinet of Estimé's public confidence by staunchest nents, Henriquez, Lanoix, and Rosinni parliamentary oppoCouncil led by Dantès Pierre-Louis, and a Consultative Bellegarde, which was also eign posts were also reshuffled and all Estimé civillan-dominated. Foroffice. Most associates removed from important was the support the military ness community, which did not received from the businoiriste. The want to see the return to power of junta also introduced universal male another 1950, legally allowing all males suffrage in the summer of over the age of Paul Magloire, now the twenty-one to vote. undisputed leader of the Haitian immediately present himself as a presidential army, did not harbored such aspirations. candidate, although he long whom Instead, it was his close associate Luc Fouché many assumed would be the colonel's dent. The established handpicked choice for presithan Paul bourgeoisie was not willing to accept anyone Magloire, and Magloire, despite his other contrary, had every intention to become repeated statements to the of 1950 Magloire Estimé's successor. 2 In the summer began to make goodwill visits across the reassuring promises of material island, offering ment of improvements, employment, the agri-business, and maintaining the ideals of developappealing promises were to decentralize democracy. His most allowing the provinces, power from the capital, thereby their especially his native city of Cap Haîtien, to prominence. His supporters referred to the reassert had already charmed the French ebullient Magloire, who national unity." clergy and milat elite as the "apostle of Newspaper reports of the tour record each stop: lavish balls and street dances, similar receptions at which sundry titles were ceremonial award ceremonies in friends, presented to local magistrates, visits to honorific Catholic masses, and families and by long-winded large outdoor meetings speeches and promises. 3 On his highlighted July, Magloire toured the return to Port-au-Prince in poorer districts, showing free movies in distributing money and food, dances organized by the CEM neighborhood cinemas, and participating in local nity. The fanfare that in conjunction with the local business commuaccompanied Magloire across the long before his election who would be the country made clear next head of state, Throughout his brief campaign, Magloire continued of national union, to exploit the theme declaring himself a "citizen-soldier" inherent mistakes of Estimisme and willing to correct the to these claims and bridge the social divide. to gain even greater Togive credence into his camp several political popularity, Magloire openly brought opponents, most notably Fignolé, whom he Blacks without Color 151 business commuaccompanied Magloire across the long before his election who would be the country made clear next head of state, Throughout his brief campaign, Magloire continued of national union, to exploit the theme declaring himself a "citizen-soldier" inherent mistakes of Estimisme and willing to correct the to these claims and bridge the social divide. to gain even greater Togive credence into his camp several political popularity, Magloire openly brought opponents, most notably Fignolé, whom he Blacks without Color 151 --- Page 167 --- supported as Deputy for Port-au-Prince, The prisingly, proved triumphant. Magloire campaign, not surlon Running against a little-known Estimist, Alphonse, he received 99 percent of the Fénémilitary president since popular vote, becoming the first 1915.4 Magloire's election signified a victory for the regain the political prestige bourgeoisie, now able to they considered stolen Estimé, every occasion to fête the by They took president and shower him with 1952, a radio station, Radio parades, and in Catholic church, Commerce, was put entirely at his disposal. 5 The too, celebrated the change in new president in Christian terms government, referring to the cultivated as the "savior of the a reputation of a bon vivant who country"6 Magloire of all social classes. As far fraternized freely with members as the country's diplomatic relations cerned, Magloire won the approval of officials were conregarded him as a bulwark in their in Washington who long interests in the design for the preservation of U.S. country. Magloire also sealed a country's longtime adversary rapprochement with the anticommunist Trujillo in 1951, when both men signed an pact. In national politics, the Magloire tism, a reprieve from the presidency was a return to conservacultural socially charged forties. With context emerged in which black Magloire, a new support and the celebration of Haiti's consciousness enjoyed limited little more than commercial African heritage was seen as having value. The Catholic much of its earlier church, although power, resumed its public attacks losing resistance, 7 The shift in attitudes on vodou without state to vodou and black reflected in the music of the decade, consciousness was even forties as the vodou-djazz revolution began to give way to Nemours of the a carefree form of dance music Jean-Baptiste's fast-paced kompa-dirèl, that drew its and influences from contemporary Cuban music. Clubs in meringue throbbed Cap Haîtien and nightly to the sounds of kompa Port-au-Prince and Symphony groups such as Jazz Jazz. This new lifestyle received Septentrional the president himself was a government support, and frequent visitor to the nightclubs.s Magloire and his conservative black cabinet black middle-class projected the image of progress, which Magloire termed "social " Magloire claimed that his equilibrium. policy was to have "a of always include "some mulattos in majority blacks" but to [the] cabinet." 9 The rhetoric of unity wore thin quickly, however. The black national middle was still directing the class, which essentially and commercial country, was powerless against the dominant interests that made up the Magloire military Magloire's relations with the elite, in fact, had been camp. an important part of 152 Blacks without Color which Magloire termed "social " Magloire claimed that his equilibrium. policy was to have "a of always include "some mulattos in majority blacks" but to [the] cabinet." 9 The rhetoric of unity wore thin quickly, however. The black national middle was still directing the class, which essentially and commercial country, was powerless against the dominant interests that made up the Magloire military Magloire's relations with the elite, in fact, had been camp. an important part of 152 Blacks without Color --- Page 168 --- Magloire rose to prominence Born on 19 July 1907, his political background. in Haïtien. The young member of a respected black elite family Cap as a the of the military by his father, Magloire was schooled to accept supremacy From the moment he who served under Nord Alexis (1902 - 1908). a general his as chief of the Palace entered the L'Ecole Militaire in 1930 to promotion of he benefited greatly from the support powerful Guard by Lescot in 1944, Gustave Laraque, a milat from members of the elite. His mentor, Colonel the few black ensured that the young Magloire would be among the north, policies." 10 His limited tolerance for beneficiaries of Lescot's exclusionary who placed their faith concerns endeared him to the bourgeoisie, ideological Estimé's fall. But Magloire was by no means in him as they patiently awaited of the old elite. Having engipresident willing to do the bidding a puppet one of whom he had helped to neered the resignation of two presidents, become president. His for the day he would impose, he had long prepared mistrust for the proof strongman rule was predicated on a deep climate support civilian Thus the political cess of Haitian politics and authority. was one of his constructed in the fifties, while serving elite interests, he rivals referred to as the rule of "noirs own design; one that his authentique sans couleur" as expressed by the new On the surface, the change in Haitian politics Yet to be one of reconciliation and modernity. administration appeared which Magloire reveled in, lay a sinisunderneath the pomp and ceremony, violence. The constant ter concomitant of military rule: state-sanctioned We was nothing new in Haitian politics. threat of force against opponents and intimidated his opposition have seen how Vincent abused his power of this intimidation The army, often the instrument with imprisonment. in control of the state. No group was now under previous governments, devastated left. suffered more from this than the already Kansonfèrisme and the Left in Abeyance left had confronted a series of political and ideologiBy 1950, the Haitian to national politics, intercal challenges in the form of negotiating entry which took The Magloire dictatorship, necine rivalry, and state repression. Since brought no relief to this predicament. antiradicalism as its leitmotif, of had been the driving force in government suppression 1946 Paul Magloire determined to eliminate all left-wing activity, and now as president he was of his coming to Where Estimé's position and the nature forms of radicalism. Magloire to various political groups, forced him to make promises power Blacks without Color 153 cal challenges in the form of negotiating entry which took The Magloire dictatorship, necine rivalry, and state repression. Since brought no relief to this predicament. antiradicalism as its leitmotif, of had been the driving force in government suppression 1946 Paul Magloire determined to eliminate all left-wing activity, and now as president he was of his coming to Where Estimé's position and the nature forms of radicalism. Magloire to various political groups, forced him to make promises power Blacks without Color 153 --- Page 169 --- President Paul E. Magloire leads the at Champs de Mars, military parade at the Haitian Port-au-Prince, 18 May 1954. Courtesy Flag Day celebration of Collection du Cidihca. wielded control of the threat to the regime. He army to forcefully break up all and reinstalled the secret groups perceived as a targeted all dissidents police abolished dent regardless of by Estimé, press virtually ceased to exist by the political persuasion. The indepenleading dailies, Le Matin and Le beginning of the decade and dress in 1954 Magloire Nouvelliste, were muzzled. At the tion of his method coined a Kreyôl term that a public adof governance: became a popular The success of kansonferisme kansonferisme (iron pants). 12 descripdiplomacy. The owed much to changes in Latin expansion of global inter-American American and Caribbean leaders anticommunism in the fifties afforded anti-state opponents. The twin effects extraordinary latitude in with fueled a more pronounced of McCarthyism and the dealing the hemisphere. U.S. paranoia over the Korean War The Eisenhower growth of communism in therefore led the United States administration's Latin couraging to American policy economic nationalism supporting dictatorial and gional security as a necessary regimes disagainst communist measure in was classified as infiltration." Although preserving rewith having "secondary priority" Haiti in the 1950S strong communist influences, among Latin American important to U.S. intelligence found nations considered support state efforts to it nonetheless all the more urgent combat radical activity. 14 This following the was 154 Blacks without Color overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz in administration's Latin couraging to American policy economic nationalism supporting dictatorial and gional security as a necessary regimes disagainst communist measure in was classified as infiltration." Although preserving rewith having "secondary priority" Haiti in the 1950S strong communist influences, among Latin American important to U.S. intelligence found nations considered support state efforts to it nonetheless all the more urgent combat radical activity. 14 This following the was 154 Blacks without Color overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz in --- Page 170 --- White House officials noted a rise in communist Guatemala in 1954, when Haiti.15 "societies" in several Latin American countries, including Batista in Cuba, Trujillo and Fulgencio Much like his contemporaries in Haiti and set himself as a beacon of anticommunism Magloire portrayed Times editorial this with ruthless abandon. A Port-au-Prince about proving of the anticommunist nations. "This government is in the vanguard opined, zealous in its guarding of the nation against all [It] has shown itself to be with Vincent in the early encroachment:" >16 As was the case communist played to the advantage of the Haitian govthirties, global anticommunism and the commitment to The intensification of cold war politics ernment. Magloire with the opportunity to fight against Soviet expansionism provided the communist label indisuse state terror to settle old scores by applying criminately to all political dissidents. of leftism suppleof official decrees to prevent the growth The passage The PSP, which since 1947 remained the mented the use of state repression. hardest hit by this policy. The only openly Marxist party in the country, was the PSP and passed a law on 30 December 1950 abolishing whose government maneuvers" of both parties, Fignolé's MOP. It cited the "dangerous with Moscow and would "only result in Haiti's collusion political programs American democracy."7 Their the execution of a series of plans against were also closed La Nation, Notre Jeunesse, and La Famille journals Chantiers, either were prohibited. Party and all future newspapers related to party for brief who resisted the law found themselves either imprisoned members members of the PSP, Max Sam, periods or forced into exile. The remaining harassment by the tired of constant Étienne Charlier, and Anthony Lespès, occupaactivities, and resumed nonpolitical police, ended their political fall of Estimé the leftist movement tions. 18 According to Sam, "since the active. We Under Magloire, we could not be politically decreased rapidly. followed we went and be militant. We were everywhere could no longer choice but to remain out of politics with the anticommunist law we had no against fighting thrown in prison. 19 Not all of the socialists gave up or get remained one of Magloire's foremost critdictatorship. Rossini Pierre-Louis unions ended also with the The pSP's unstable influence over the labor ics. the foremost labor leaders.0 death of Francis Vulcain, one of party's used to raise the The Socialist Party, however, remained a frequent scapegoat in and justify the dictatorship. For example, concern of the U.S. embassy of recruitformer PSP members continuing 1951 the government suspected and attempting to foment a peasment and indoctrination in the provinces ant uprisinga Blacks without Color 155 atorship. Rossini Pierre-Louis unions ended also with the The pSP's unstable influence over the labor ics. the foremost labor leaders.0 death of Francis Vulcain, one of party's used to raise the The Socialist Party, however, remained a frequent scapegoat in and justify the dictatorship. For example, concern of the U.S. embassy of recruitformer PSP members continuing 1951 the government suspected and attempting to foment a peasment and indoctrination in the provinces ant uprisinga Blacks without Color 155 --- Page 171 --- retreated from activism, their younger followers As the demoralized PSP circulating radical litin the JPP fought to maintain a political presence, by occasionally urban workers. The government responded erature among when raided the party headquarters arresting its leaders.22 In 1951 police dissolved. 23 Forcommunist literature, the party was officially and found radical activity in reduced form during mer members of the JPP continued de Libération formed the Parti Populaire the decade and in November 1956 Marxism. Two other promNationale (PPLN), a party strongly influenced by returned to Haiti in leaders of the student movement of 1946 who inent to the younger radicals from studies in France and who gave impetus Alexis and Roger Gaillard. The groups met secretly were Jacques Stephen the forties. 24 The PPLN, though havwith other Marxist sympathizers from was a relaPétionville, Jacmel, and Port-au-Prince, ing cells in Gonaïves, in the early Duvalier it would have a larger impact tively weak organization; years.2s evidence on this period makes it difficult A lack of reliable documentary Nonetheless, it the extent to which it influenced other groups. to determine that the party as a whole was politically underdeveloped. is safe to assume also meant it was unable to build a The underground nature of its activities later reClandestine activity, as the party bureau admitted, popular base. basis and an experience of revoluquired "organization, cadres, a popular lacked."26 which the Haitian socialist movement generally tionary struggle closely with communist groups in René Depestre, who had been working desired to return to Haiti France and Cuba and was then living in Havana, thwarted when the Communist Party in 1952. His plans were to rebuild activities. Batista atarrested him for communist the Batista government however, refused to have tempted to have him deported to Haiti. Magloire, "Depestre is a communist not a Haitian." his passport validated, declaring, return to Haiti until after the was sent to France and did not Depestre election of 1957. 27 claimed emanated from To combat communist influence, which they adstudents and French radicals, the Magloire contact between Haitian of scholarships reduced the number government ministration significantly France. Another measure taken was awarded to Haitian students to study in Haïtien the literature to be communist. In Cap the banning of all perceived national, and several Marxist raided a bookstore operated by an Italian army with his colleagues and family were books were seized. The owner along deported. of Marxists in these years accounts for The success of military repression 156 Blacks without Color adstudents and French radicals, the Magloire contact between Haitian of scholarships reduced the number government ministration significantly France. Another measure taken was awarded to Haitian students to study in Haïtien the literature to be communist. In Cap the banning of all perceived national, and several Marxist raided a bookstore operated by an Italian army with his colleagues and family were books were seized. The owner along deported. of Marxists in these years accounts for The success of military repression 156 Blacks without Color --- Page 172 --- influence of these groups in the political battle of the extremely limited difficulties, the formation of organizational the late fifties. Notwithstanding urban youth toward new such as the PPLN indicated a shift among univergroups of the activism of of political resistance. A consideration strategies unaffiliated with the Marxist left, supports this sity students, who were conclusion. faculties of the university, the In the forties, the students at the graduate of supported the noiriste state and its promotion center of student activism, In the medical faculty, stuHaitian over French directors at the university. reversed the moddents therefore became upset when the new government Public Health under Estimé, and the Ministry of erate reforms in curricula indefinitely, send to practice in provincial hospitals decided to graduates medicine in Port-au-Prince. The more restricting their ability to practice became most resistant. 29 minded students associated with ADEM politically policies came to a head in January Their protest against the government of Pierre clash between a professor pediatrics, 1952. What began as a minor serious affair. student escalated into a political Salgado, and a third-year accused a student of stealing a flashWhen Salgado, an unpopular professor, the student's behalf, claimlight from one of the labs, ADEM intervened on student body. 30 offended the integrity of the entire ing that Salgado's charges for two demanding a public The students refused to attend classes days, when stuThe protest assumed political overtones apology from Salgado. interns in the General Hospital joined in dents from other faculties as well as Jumelle and the dean of Minister of Labor and Health Clément sympathy. ultimatum that the students return to classes the Medical School issued an risk a demand that went unheeded. or expulsion, national attention, Daniel Fignolé mobilized Once the protest attracted the students' cause. The attempt of MOP to rally to the disparate supporters strike was, for the government, a of the medical students to launch a general harsh. The reminder of the events of 1946. Punishment was frightening and forced to sign a declaration calling entire third-year class was arrested leaders were sent to distant provincial off the strike. The most prominent in the strike, as his house Fignolé suffered most for his participation prisons. thugs. 31 Though largely was stoned and set on fire by goxerment-asemnbleds consciousness remained a ineffectual, the strike demonstrated that political crucial if latent issue during the period of"social equilibrium." during the student strike provides The government's attitude to Fignolé radicals. Daniel Figfurther illustration of its blurring of divisions among effect on his in 1950 had a dual nolé's support of the Magloire campaign Blacks without Color 157 Fignolé suffered most for his participation prisons. thugs. 31 Though largely was stoned and set on fire by goxerment-asemnbleds consciousness remained a ineffectual, the strike demonstrated that political crucial if latent issue during the period of"social equilibrium." during the student strike provides The government's attitude to Fignolé radicals. Daniel Figfurther illustration of its blurring of divisions among effect on his in 1950 had a dual nolé's support of the Magloire campaign Blacks without Color 157 --- Page 173 --- certain extent, it was his fervent beliefi in his supremacy political career. To a of 1946 that fired the leader in the election campaign and role as popular His decision to support Magloire in Fignolé's antagonism toward Estimé. view that with but a genuine therefore, was not political opportunism 1950, on the basis of national union, he Magloire, who built a popular campaign him under Estimé. the he felt was denied could finally assume prominence made his pairing conservatism and aversion to radicalism Still, Magloire's also further divided MOP leadership. In with Fignolé in 1950 awkward. It Romain, resigned from Fignolé's trusted vice-president, Michel April 1953, handful of the brightest members. Romain's the party, taking with him a from the principles and politireason was that "Professor Fignolé wandered with the comwhich MOP had followed since 1946 and [rejoined] cal line >32 mon enemy. the change in government in 1950, and The strength of antiradicalism, subversion" had indeed the dissolution of MOP on grounds of "communist views. From 1952 he forced Fignolé to reconsider some of his earlier political himself his radical noiriste attacks against the bourgeoisie, presenting refined believed that "Haiti must be antiwho firmly as a "National-Democrat" Moscow-styled communism is cerdemocratic. communist : : [and] truly He upheld for the normal evolution of this little country."s tainly dangerous Démocratique, which in forming the Grande Parti National this position in political orientaanticommunist and pro-labor. Changes was explicitly the worries of U.S. officials, who however, could do little to relieve tion, remained concerned over his popular strength. attacked his activism. In the legislature he repeatedly Nor could it stop 35 Moreover, once the fellow deputies who failed to support his proposals. democracy became more apparillusory nature of the military government's editorial in his new paper he resumed his attacks on the state. An ent, is as they claim all for Construction commented, "Ifthe present government of their plan. It is not with Mr. Magloire the people, we are not beneficiaries with the former collaborafind this union as he has come to power that we tors of Lescot and Estimé."6 de Défense des Libertés PubliIn December 1953 he cofounded the Ligue Alphonse politicians, including ques, a group of twenty-one oppositionist The main aim was and former PSP director Rossini Pierre-Louis. Henriquez tendencies in Haitian politics. Folto combat tyranny and antidemocratic Fignolé used a new journal, the government's closure of Chantiers, lowing out of his home, to publicize the ideas Haiti Démocratique, which operated tendencies of the and activities of the group against the antidemocratic 158 Blacks without Color December 1953 he cofounded the Ligue Alphonse politicians, including ques, a group of twenty-one oppositionist The main aim was and former PSP director Rossini Pierre-Louis. Henriquez tendencies in Haitian politics. Folto combat tyranny and antidemocratic Fignolé used a new journal, the government's closure of Chantiers, lowing out of his home, to publicize the ideas Haiti Démocratique, which operated tendencies of the and activities of the group against the antidemocratic 158 Blacks without Color --- Page 174 --- indirect. Nonetheless, after only regime. The party's critique of Magloire was and on 6 January the banned the league two weeks of existence government into Fignolé's of its members. 37 That night police barged arrested eighteen and arrested the prodestroying the press of Haiti Démocratique, house, members of the National fessor and his associates. A decree permitting Marcel Hérard, passed and Senator Assembly to be jailed was hurriedly confinement for and Fignolé were arrested and put in solitary Pierre-Louis, supporters were followed three months. 38 Around Port-au-Prince Fignolé announced that instances violently beaten. Police Chief Prosper and in some proof that the league was sponsored by the government had incontrovertible had planned to communists, that Fignolé and Pierre-Louis international and that arms and bombs were discovered in start an islandwide revolution, this evidence was never made the houses of its chief members, though public." 39 also indicative of a rapid decline in labor The retreat of the Fignolists was in the 1950 conAlthough labor laws under Estimé were upheld activity. All major unions were closed stitution, unionism was severely crippled. Labor the half dozen that remained lapsed into inactivity. down and even of unions or incite to revive the activities independent leaders attempting murdered. In 1954 the strongest of the remaining strikes were imprisoned or launched a strike in the chauffeurs (public transport operators), unions, drivers' licenses and the response to the high taxes imposed on professional the best drivers. The chauffeurs were not only imprisonment of recalcitrant in the of urban workers but also held the greatest leverage organized group created by the demands on public transport fifties, owing to increasing strike, which found most in urban population. Thus the three-day growth urban transportation through their bus drivers in Port-au-Prince hindering to the strike, the governaffected all sectors. In responding refusal to drive, of the union, and tortured ment arrested Ulrick Joly, the general secretary the union was chauffeurs as an example. 40 In the end, several of the striking continued its slow death. forced to split and organized labor once the end of the noiriste spectrum were the authentiques, At the other considered marginal enemies of the directors of national affairs and now fear for the first half of the dictatorship, the most persistent state. During of Estimé. To prevent this, Magloire and his allies was the return to power which Estimé was smear campaign in Magloire launched a far-reaching funds from the Communist painted as a communist whose regime accepted agents tried where he spent part ofl his exile, Magloire Party. From Kingston, that Estimé was a "dangerous commuto convince the Jamaican government Blacks without Color 159 the directors of national affairs and now fear for the first half of the dictatorship, the most persistent state. During of Estimé. To prevent this, Magloire and his allies was the return to power which Estimé was smear campaign in Magloire launched a far-reaching funds from the Communist painted as a communist whose regime accepted agents tried where he spent part ofl his exile, Magloire Party. From Kingston, that Estimé was a "dangerous commuto convince the Jamaican government Blacks without Color 159 --- Page 175 --- surveillance by local police. 41 State nist" and was to be kept under constant fears Washington officials knew better but did play on lasting Department his base of support. had toward Estimé and worked to undermine weakened a lack of embittered by forced exile and by In actuality, Estimé, to chalabroad, was in no position effectively financial and popular support the idea. Writing to a colleague Magloire, although he did consider lenge first of exile, he commented on the "isolation" from Jamaica during his year victory the support of he suffered outside Haiti and that despite Magloire's ensure his among the population to black nationalism was strong enough back to Haiti were Whatever plans Estimé may have had to go return.42 close watch over the ex-president's moveunrealistic: Magloire's spies kept with the order the new ments in Jamaica, and the U.S. government, content Estimé's efforts.1 43 president brought to Haiti, were unwilling to support York, Estimé Kingston and taking up residence in New Upon leaving intervention on his behalf to precontinued to petition State Department contradiction to Haiti's which, he maintained, was a vent the dictatorship, with U.S. officials, Estimé democratic ideals. In his private communication highlighting the of his regime as black supremacist, sought to repair image initiatives in his last year in office. the supportive role he gave to U.S. policy ideals of the United that it was in the interest of the democratic He argued U.S. officials steadfastly States to oust Magloire and reimpose his presidency. showed little symparefused all forms of assistance to the ex-president and was that he had neither assets nor adequate housing, thy for his complaints victimized by racism. 44 The Estiineligible for employment, and constantly obstacles from that their leader would return to Haiti despite mists' dream when Estimé died on 10 July 1953 of ulceric ended the new government state funeral for Estimé and arranged poisoning. Magloire organized a large the site of the Exposition. It casket to be held at Bicentenaire, for an open for and with him, clear to all that the noiriste leader was gone good was a sign Magloire assumed, the ideas of 1946. did not Estimé's stature grew in ways the new government But in death his adherents to avenge and with it a blind determination among anticipate, who remained in Haiti, including several lower-ranking him. The Estimists Several who resisted Magloire's diofficers in the army, were under threat. killed.45 A few forced into exile or, according to some reports, rectives were Dorsinville, Vieux, and Bordes, were of the authentiques, including Séide, activities. 46 Under jailed for alleged communist arrested and temporarily former members of the Estimé threat and fearful of further reprisals, several and found their way reconciled with their military adversary administration 160 Blacks without Color -ranking him. The Estimists Several who resisted Magloire's diofficers in the army, were under threat. killed.45 A few forced into exile or, according to some reports, rectives were Dorsinville, Vieux, and Bordes, were of the authentiques, including Séide, activities. 46 Under jailed for alleged communist arrested and temporarily former members of the Estimé threat and fearful of further reprisals, several and found their way reconciled with their military adversary administration 160 Blacks without Color --- Page 176 --- the veil of administration. For Magloire, their presence completed into the cohesion his regime claimed to espouse. national unity and political One Estimist who had to side with the government. Not all were willing to use the disunited unions to with labor and was willing some experience Duvalier. Following Estimé's ouster, broaden his urban base was François of Labor. His relieved from his post in the Ministry Duvalier like most, was on a team of however, allowed him to gain employment medical expertise, the U.S. Health Commission, the Service local doctors who worked with which launched a Inter-Américain de la Santé Publique (SCISP), Coopératif epidemic then claiming the lives program to fight against a debilitating yaws anti-vodou opinion rehundreds of Haitians. During this time when of noiriste closed down permanently emerged, Les Griots, like the other papers, their ethnological writings. and Duvalier and Denis stopped entirely figure in the postmaneuvered his way into becoming a key Duvalier he organized secret meetings from Estimé noiriste movement. In 1950-51 with other Estimists, memthe safety of his office in the SCISP compound where they plotted bers of the judiciary, and some lower-ranking officers, Duvalier to It was during this time that began the return of the ex-president. the for his presidential campaign." lay groundwork divisions among his partisans. Jean David, Estimé's death also created to the Magloire lieutenant who held firm to his hostility Estimé's trusted support among the noiristes, prepresidency and who had the strongest Duvalier as the heir 48 David's followers depicted sented himself as apparent. and sudden switch emphasizing his initial support of Fignolé the untrustworthy, David was clearly to the Estimé side as a sign of his opportunism. with Estimé. The of the two, having shared a close relationship to win stronger the few assets he had in order shrewd Duvalier capitalized on political with the a His work with SCISP has put him in contact peasants, support. he would later draw on. Others were impressed with crucial base of support the of Estimé's for honesty. But it was blessing his asceticism and reputation the tide for Duvalier, when she dewife, Lucienne Hertelou, that turned Duvalier his political before his death Estimé had named clared that shortly a tactic, it opened Whether or not this was true or simply political successor. involved. 49 the door for the doctor to become more politically more of a represented In the final analysis, the Magloire presidency rule than a return form of dictatorial transition toward an uncompromising view of his caudilloorder. The somewhat simplified to the pre-1946 political assessments of this period, belies his style leadership, common in scholarly the Haitian armed forces rebackground. Since the occupation, political Blacks without Color 161 tactic, it opened Whether or not this was true or simply political successor. involved. 49 the door for the doctor to become more politically more of a represented In the final analysis, the Magloire presidency rule than a return form of dictatorial transition toward an uncompromising view of his caudilloorder. The somewhat simplified to the pre-1946 political assessments of this period, belies his style leadership, common in scholarly the Haitian armed forces rebackground. Since the occupation, political Blacks without Color 161 --- Page 177 --- institution in the country, a fact mained the only autonomous political It is and did not hesitate to use to his advantage. Magloire appreciated voted into power by indeed ironic, then, that the first president technically vote also closed the avenues of political participation. direct popular how to evaluate the Magloire era in Scholars have not always agreed on Troulliot offers an interesting interpretation Haitian history. Michel-Rolph presidency one finds the beginof the period, arguing that during Magloire's under Duvalier. 50 David of a totalitarian order that assumed full form nings that Trouillot grossly misapplies the Nicholls challenges this view, arguing Latin American ruler label, as "it would be hard to think of any totalitarian model than the playboy Magloire' >51 It who conformed less to the totalitarian in its most Nicholls has out at length, that totalitarianism, is true, as pointed in Haiti before or after Magloire. widely accepted sense, has no parallel the totalitarian label to Trouillot does overstretch his argument by applying whose main purpose for implementinclude army officials under Magloire, ideology, but the preservaing state terror was not allegiance to a particular obvious shift away In the fifties there was a more tion of personal power. one in which ideas to a more blatant form of power struggle, from ideology Nonetheless, Trouillot makes an imporoccupied increasingly limited space. began to change observation: that the nature of Haitian dictatorship tant state violence, or at least during the Magloire years and, by institutionalizing alternative. the threat of it, Magloire presented a violent political the state of context is important to consider in explaining This repressive undermined leftist morale. the left during these years. First, it significantly than during the Radicals found themselves operating more clandestinely the decade and forties. With the collapse of the PSP earlyin thirties and early active, Marxist ideology with fewer radicals of the Lescot era still politically of and the movement itself suffered a loss political became less powerful therefore, repredirection. In the long view, the epoch of kansonferisme, less the end of an era for the left. Resistance became ambiguous, sented the noiristes it is clear that in the ideological, and more diffuse. Even among there was a shift to a between David and Duvalier, struggle for supremacy and less of a focus on cultural and personalization of the movement greater Duvalier's ascendancy to the leadideological concerns. More than anything, for him. The fundaa victory only ership of the noiriste camp represented under Magloire and the mental difference between the political situation of the left (the under Lescot was that the suppression one that prevailed did not facilitate a brief formation of the Ligue de Défense notwithstanding) forging of alliances. 162 Blacks without Color a shift to a between David and Duvalier, struggle for supremacy and less of a focus on cultural and personalization of the movement greater Duvalier's ascendancy to the leadideological concerns. More than anything, for him. The fundaa victory only ership of the noiriste camp represented under Magloire and the mental difference between the political situation of the left (the under Lescot was that the suppression one that prevailed did not facilitate a brief formation of the Ligue de Défense notwithstanding) forging of alliances. 162 Blacks without Color --- Page 178 --- the limits of the repressive machine of On the other hand, by stretching the state would be ensured that future challenges against the state, Magloire journals for most of the fifties virulent. The absence of opposition more forum for radical expression and contributed to essentially closed a vital of a revolutionary mystensions. Equally important was the creation greater radicals began to look to the movement of tique surrounding 1946. Young As the decade wore on, different from their predecessors. 1946 in ways quite and factionalism of the fewer radicals were able to recall the corruption of the era as one of popular participation, Estimé years. Instead, a picture This allure, as we will see, democracy, and social justice was promoted. would be exploited fully in the 1957 presidential campaign. to the catafrustration only partly explains the background But political half of military rule. Inherent in the strophic state that defined the last on the part of the resistance of the fifties was a growing sense of desperation with such classes. To properly explain why this arose middle and popular we need to depart from the politiforce during a period of relative stability, the Haitian economy in the cal narrative and discuss more fully the state of which thus far has only been briefly touched upon. 1950S, Beneath the Glitter: The 1950S Economic Decline economic that inherited was already experiencing The Haiti Magloire took effect in These problems, as noted in the previous chapter, difficulties. attributed to the financial backlash the late Estimé years and were partially trade, which created deep and the collapse of the banana to the Exposition Estimé directed his energies to social reruptures in the economy. Where encouraging of modernization formulated a pragmatic plan forms, Magloire tourism, and the improvement of the the development of new industries, financial sectors. administration that has inspired the comIt is this feature of Magloire's and deof the fifties as a golden era, one in which progress mon perception first and time in the country's history. velopment emerged for the only has Raymond Bernardin, emphasized Magloire's most recent biographer, realizations" by the important that "his government was distinguished the better life to all Haitians. >953 When measured against which "gave a it is easy to see why this view is often economic disaster cofthe Duvalier years the critical dethe is deficient because it ignores repeated. Yet perception Plummer calls "Haiti's reputation as cline that existed beneath what Brenda carefree tourist fantasia" in the fifties. 54 a Blacks without Color 163 emphasized Magloire's most recent biographer, realizations" by the important that "his government was distinguished the better life to all Haitians. >953 When measured against which "gave a it is easy to see why this view is often economic disaster cofthe Duvalier years the critical dethe is deficient because it ignores repeated. Yet perception Plummer calls "Haiti's reputation as cline that existed beneath what Brenda carefree tourist fantasia" in the fifties. 54 a Blacks without Color 163 --- Page 179 --- that flowed from the There were, to be sure, visual signs of improvement in the national Tourism provided a qualitative improvement tourist industry. Plummer has convincingly argued that image and international recognition. within the United States attitude from anxiety to sympathy a changing Haiti and served to promote tourism and a fostered a positive view of manifestations fashionable interest in Haitian culture. There were multiple the film set during Bailey, a major Hollywood of this. For example, Lydia in 1954.55 All of Revolution, had its premiere in Port-au-Prince Haitian and reveals far too little. Statistical data sugthis was nonetheless cosmetic increase in the early fifties there was an unprecedented gest that during of tourists visiting the island more than tourist traffic. By 1952 the numbers when the Yet the same data show a decline by 1956, doubled 1949 figures. unbearable.se When compared economic pressures were becoming more Jamaica numbers of tourist visitors to its closest island neighbors, with the striking, Between 1949 the tourist boom in 1950S Haiti was hardly and Cuba, between 10,000 the numbers of tourist visitors to Haiti averaged and 1956 and for In Jamaica, for the same period it was 55,000 0-155.000, and 52,000. revenue accrued from tourism, 57 Moreover, the Cuba, 150,000-275,.000. into long-term developinsufficient to begin with, was seldom regenerated ment programs. economic status by mid-century indicator of the country's A more telling which the national income remained was its experience in agriculture, on the sector Magloire's aim was to diversify agricultural heavily dependent. investment. A political environment of through the expansion of foreign investment. The government's stability, real or apparent, encouraged private also resulted in a great outand favorable attitude to U.S. interests open assistance to the country. The United Nations, pouring of aid and technical and various misa U.S. Point IV program, the World Health Organization, the fifties toward promoting a higher sionaries began work in Haiti during Most of the of living for the peasantry. The impact was varied,ss standard in an ambitious Five Year Plan funds and assistance were incorporated expendihoped would lead to greater agricultural (1951-56) that Magloire involved the promoto development tures. 59 Magloire's pragmatic approach another brief increase on the tion of coffee exports, which experienced yet international market the year he took office. notable development plan produced To a degree, the government's built in the Artibonite (a achievements. A desperately needed dam was in the Estimé era) for thei irrigation oft the neighboring project that originated There was also some zones and eventually for hydroelectricity. provincial 164 Blacks without Color greater agricultural (1951-56) that Magloire involved the promoto development tures. 59 Magloire's pragmatic approach another brief increase on the tion of coffee exports, which experienced yet international market the year he took office. notable development plan produced To a degree, the government's built in the Artibonite (a achievements. A desperately needed dam was in the Estimé era) for thei irrigation oft the neighboring project that originated There was also some zones and eventually for hydroelectricity. provincial 164 Blacks without Color --- Page 180 --- several roads were rebuilt connectdevelopment in transportation as major the interior and north. 60 As Port-au-Prince to distant provincial towns in ing tourism, these were surface improvements that with the changes created by also unsustained as the new only disguised deep-seated problems. They were project irrigation and the road improvement dam failed to provide adequate extended beyond the major urban areas. never Industrialization) programs of the Similar to the ISI (Import Substitution from sisal and sugar to include time, attempts were made to expand industry The wax, hats, iron, and flour.1 government cement, textiles, iron, soap, the of the war, and a reactivated trade with France, dormant since beginning operations in 1954. 62 Efforts were also pursued French cement factory began a concession to the the country's small bauxite deposits through to exploit Any benefits derived from these U.S.-owned Reynolds Mining Corporation. still accounted for nominal, as agricultural revenues in 1954 ventures proved The problem was that 86 percent of the GNP,53 greater an overwhelming cacao, and castor oil, were in a most traditional exports, including cotton, to low as some writers have suggested, state of rapid decline, regressing, worsened ecological degralevels. The situation was by nineteenth-century deforestation, and soil erosion. 64 dation, affected the conditions The problems of the Haitian economy negatively of living of the Low productivity raised the cost of the majority population. increase. which since the forties was experiencing a demographic the peasantry, promised more jobs but claimed that the new projects The government and artisan labor could small-scale industries that relied on basic technology sufficient numbers of peasant laborers. not employ close to its economic nadir The grim reality was that the country was very in administration. Even at its height, coffee production during Magloire's figures. 65 made very little improvement over its nineteenth-century 1951-52 Brazil, and Costa Rica, which faced similar Haiti, like Cuba, Colombia, received little U.S. assistance in problems due to a slump in coffee prices, the govern66 When coffee prices fell sharply by 1954, price stabilization." national debt rose sharply in the mid-fifties, ment was unable to recover. The figure ever for the fiscal year 1956-575 nearing its highest left the national economy open to unexThe weak reliance on one crop The worst of them came in pected crises in the export-oriented sector. the island. An especially when Hurricane Hazel roared across October 1954, the plight of the peasantry by terrible disaster, Hazel increased dramatically peasants inseveral southern towns, leaving approximately 5,000 leveling homeless and countless others suffering jured or dead, another 250,000 Blacks without Color 165 unable to recover. The figure ever for the fiscal year 1956-575 nearing its highest left the national economy open to unexThe weak reliance on one crop The worst of them came in pected crises in the export-oriented sector. the island. An especially when Hurricane Hazel roared across October 1954, the plight of the peasantry by terrible disaster, Hazel increased dramatically peasants inseveral southern towns, leaving approximately 5,000 leveling homeless and countless others suffering jured or dead, another 250,000 Blacks without Color 165 --- Page 181 --- from various diseases. 68 The long-term mense. Nearly half of the island's damage to the economy was imwith it the nation's coffee and cacao crop was destroyed and leading source of revenue. 69 the offered over $7 million in Although United States of emergency aid, it could not remedy the mismanagement and regression that followed the dismal problems try's most vital exports. Food loss of the counfollowed prices went up as the hurricane by an equally unanticipated was quickly In the urban sectors conditions drought. were dire. The into Port-au-Prince, steady stream of peasants fleeing the plight of sickness in the interior, added unemployment, malnutrition, and only to the problems of underemployment. Estimates overpopulation and the suggest that by the mid-fifties at least population in Port-au-Prince was born in the half of supply of jobs to meet the new labor provinces. 70 With a limited swelled demands, the numbers to alarming rates. Among the of unemployed laboring more acute, Again, there was classes, the problems a false impression of grew Magloire increased the minimum progress. For example, this figure is wage rate from 3-50 gourdes to 5.00. But misleading as the cost of living rose steadily 1952-56.71 Although the during the period schools, government made much of its creation of primary school enrollment never new duration of Magloire's term.72 rose above 20 percent for the deteriorated Furthermore, the living conditions in as more than 60 percent of urban the city found in the squalid bidonvilles that housing in Port-au-Prince- was ofthe ringed the wharf fand less than 2 population had running water. 73 Public services percent telephone access became a luxury found were in shambles and only in private homes of the elite. Murders government offices and the in the cities and suicide provinces increased as a result. An editorial in rates in the the a Port-au-Prince deteriorating social conditions: paper noted "Haitian where the knife is king. We kill society has become a jungle to live or we kill suffering, >74 [ourselves] to escape the The greatest obstacle to sustained economic nial problem of the corruption, development was the perennepotism, and graft in the bureaucracy. This was an even more troubling government Magloire's political concern in the fifties as clientele, in the words of one U.S. "far greedier than their *75 official, proved to be inhibited the predecessors' The squandering of foreign loans development of useful programs such as which was poorly constructed at the Artibonite dam, more than double its gency relief funds for victims of Hurricane projected cost. Emerthe hands of Hazel never found their way past government officials. The government resources to maintain an exploited its limited impression of development. Magloire officials who 166 Blacks without Color fifties as clientele, in the words of one U.S. "far greedier than their *75 official, proved to be inhibited the predecessors' The squandering of foreign loans development of useful programs such as which was poorly constructed at the Artibonite dam, more than double its gency relief funds for victims of Hurricane projected cost. Emerthe hands of Hazel never found their way past government officials. The government resources to maintain an exploited its limited impression of development. Magloire officials who 166 Blacks without Color --- Page 182 --- uniforms and lived in large villas in the hills paraded in new gold-braided contrast to the increasing numbers of above Port-au-Prince bore a striking Time ran The chasm was difficult to disguise. In 1954 magazine urban poor. his "black magic of dams, roads, and a cover story on Magloire lauding lived in a "lavishly furschools," but also questioned the fact that Prosper >76 U.S. high school on $350 a month." nished house the size of a small-city Tricinversion of Estimé's Bicentennial Exposition, the expensive Magloire's the 15oth anniversary of indepenquantenaire in January 1954 celebrating dence, only added to the problems. created tremendous presEconomic and financial devastation not only class of the urban population, but also emphasized sures on all sectors seemed to benefit only divisions. Magloire's project of "social equilibrium" However, even the more privileged the contracting circle of bourgeoisie. of the economic crisis. The sectors of the urban population felt the strains in the country's from coffee for the fiscal year 1954-55, the worst low yields of the urban bourhistory, weakened the economic power postoccupation underlined the depth of the malaise. geoisie and the lack of outlets for political frustration made The instability caused by commented on the nature of matters worse. In Washington U.S. officials it could have on political the Haitian economy and the potential problem election of deputies in January 1955 provided a rare opportunity events.77 The turmoil to be voiced. Running for for popular resentment of the economic threatened that the reelection in the Chamber of Deputies, Daniel Fignolé its with if it did not accept government would be faced grave problems from the United States to and gain desperately needed funds responsibilities The government responded in characterlift the country out ofits quagmire. elections and once again censoring istically dictatorial fashion by rigging the for a virtually miserable loss at the polls (93 votes to 12,823 Fignolé. Fignolé's defeat, but further proof of unknown candidate) was more than a personal crisis. 78 When Fignolé to open debate on the the government's unwillingness and reportedly beaten. During protested, he was arrested, imprisoned, Clément Barbot, orgaweek, Duvalier, with help from his driver, election members ofthe chauffeurs union. The strike, nized a small strike of disparate and the came before it could commence government however, was betrayed from his post in the the 80 Duvalier was removed down hard on plotters. went into hiding. SCISP andimmediately financial conditions in the republic reached In sum, the economic and decade. Although the economic crisis proportions by the middle of the underlying served to increase foreign attention and investment, program Blacks without Color 167 ier, with help from his driver, election members ofthe chauffeurs union. The strike, nized a small strike of disparate and the came before it could commence government however, was betrayed from his post in the the 80 Duvalier was removed down hard on plotters. went into hiding. SCISP andimmediately financial conditions in the republic reached In sum, the economic and decade. Although the economic crisis proportions by the middle of the underlying served to increase foreign attention and investment, program Blacks without Color 167 --- Page 183 --- and laid the basis exacerbated social and political inequalities degradation how these circumstances produced We shall see for greater depression. urban sectors. Still, even among certain secdifferent responses among the the lower-ranking offiwith state institutions, particularly tors associated disenchantment there was growing cers and lower government bureaucracy, This is significant if we handling of economic affairs. point with Magloire's between the army high command and consider the gross disparity in wealth bureaurank and file. Even mid- to upper-level government the underpaid had before, as Magloire was forced to crats were suffering in ways they never and salaries and close introduce austerity measures such as reducing payrolls still occupied favored posts. 81 But these groups some of the more diplomatic The economic downturn OCthe lower rungs of the socioeconomic ladder. to alienate when the political structure was beginning curred at a moment sectors of the power elite that had sustained it. the crises of 1946 and 1950, there was no single group Thus, unlike willing to support the those directly linked with the state leadership beyond situation in 1956, for the first time since 1915, government. 82 The economic the When found all social and economic sectors opposed to government. to see nature of the regime, it is easy this is considered with the repressive problems and economic understructure would reopen festering how the state. The crisis of the fifties was more erode the political base of the military socioeconomic frustration than it was a consequence a result of intensifying result was the eruption of a yearlong of political discontent. The combined conflict beginning in the spring of 1956. "A Question of Life or Death": The Presidential Campaign of 1956-1957 crisis accents the main issues treated In many ways the 1956-57 political sharpened by ideological this book: a volatile contest for power throughout rivalries; the reaction resistance to the legacies of the occupation; intraparty the decisive role of army to changes in civil society; of a highly politicized the role of the United States popular resistance in affecting national politics; from a black conlocal political events; and the transition in influencing for dominaof national unification to a struggle partisan sciousness project of were much more. A new tion. Yet in other respects the events 1956-57 increased the created by the shift to universal suffrage political landscape the foremost charstakes. Far from being a repeat of old battles, campaign's warfare intensified by the personalizaacter was not ideological but partisan 168 Blacks without Color of a highly politicized the role of the United States popular resistance in affecting national politics; from a black conlocal political events; and the transition in influencing for dominaof national unification to a struggle partisan sciousness project of were much more. A new tion. Yet in other respects the events 1956-57 increased the created by the shift to universal suffrage political landscape the foremost charstakes. Far from being a repeat of old battles, campaign's warfare intensified by the personalizaacter was not ideological but partisan 168 Blacks without Color --- Page 184 --- Direct elections, a recent innovation in Haitian politics, tion of politics. solely on surreptitious alliances meant that candidates could no longer rely electorate. but had to contend with an enfranchised with parliamentarians and violence. The use of violence to preThe result was political tribalism the last phase of Estimé's status had been introduced during serve political rule under Magloire. In 1957 it was presidency and extended through army is that for victory. But what is most noteworthy deemed a necessary strategy conflict along color of 1956-1957 was the last explicit political the campaign the confused course of events our analysis must and class lines. To follow resistance against carefully tracing the reanimation of popular begin by military rule. was sparked by politiThe movement to topple the Magloire government need for change, a the of 1956 and the urgent cal events at beginning described. According to a false consequence of the economic dislocation just official date of the end of reading of the constitution, 15 May 1956 was the agitated In February opponents and political hopefuls Magloire's presidency. and handbills calling for the governpublic interest by circulating pamphlets elections. "The choice ment to honor this date and officially declare general at the eco99 according to one commentary hinting of the future president, of life or death. >83 "is for the laboring classes a question nomic problems, factions was the one associated with Louis The strongest of the emerging the fall of Estimé. AlDéjoie, the dissident milat senator who encouraged were not the only bloc, the Déjoists though the most powerful opposition the of the challenge the regime over question ones prepared to openly radical groups, the Haitian election. At least one of several underground leaders, many of Committee, surfaced and its anonymous Revolutionary bulletins calling for the overthrow of whom were Duvalierists, began issuing that his to his critics by announcing the regime. 84 When Magloire responded rallied around administration would last another year, students immediately and leaders and began to protest. In Jacmel, Les Cayes, various opposition strikes and burned tyres, which Port-au-Prince student protestors organized frearms and clubs. 85 Expectedly, quelled by police with were immediately occurred in the capital, where students at the greatest display of violence and burned it in the schoolLycée Toussaint tore down a picture of Magloire workers joined the the police. 86 Small groups of urban yard before attacking forces. Magloire declared a state students but proved no match for Prosper's arrested. of siege and had thirty-five protestors problems. Radicals and The events of May were a portent of greater had not comhad demonstrated that kansonferisme various oppositionists Blacks without Color 169 were immediately occurred in the capital, where students at the greatest display of violence and burned it in the schoolLycée Toussaint tore down a picture of Magloire workers joined the the police. 86 Small groups of urban yard before attacking forces. Magloire declared a state students but proved no match for Prosper's arrested. of siege and had thirty-five protestors problems. Radicals and The events of May were a portent of greater had not comhad demonstrated that kansonferisme various oppositionists Blacks without Color 169 --- Page 185 --- public disorder to their advanincapacitated their ability to provoke pletely indicated a distinct The violent reaction of the student protestors tage. The peaceful "bras croisé" protest of change in the nature of popular protest. 87 removing civil liberties had now become something more urgent. By only aggravated the problem and imposing a state of siege, the government Perceptive officials the main point ofthe demonstrations. while overlooking of the demonstration, the position in the U.S. embassy noted that as a result serious' >88 What had been weakened and could become of the government into chaos was not merely police bruprevented the strike from escalating Business but the lack of cross-class support among the opposition. tality Duvalier and other Estimists were the principal ininterests, sensing that their noiriste rivals. Similarly, Fignolists stigators, refused to collaborate with from the represunions, which still felt pressured and the few remaining to support the strike were unwilling to rally the labor groups sions of 1955, Over the course of the next six months without real guarantees of success. the coalition needed to began to work together to build the opposition the reluctant milat business topple the regime. Déjoie managed to convince alliance with Duvalier was necessary" interests that a brief in vain to restore its popularity In the meantime, the government fought in democracy broaden its base of support. Magloire feigned an interest and though all leftist the establishment of new political parties, by encouraging that emerged were in reality a groups remained suppressed. The new parties forced to declare consisting of low-level government bureaucrats façade about this new tacto the president. What was most interesting allegiance to couch Magloire's achievements in tic was the government's willingness for the strongest noiriste terms in an effort to weaken the growing support the of national unity," Louis Déjoie. No longer "apostle of his opponents, of the masses" who "struggled for Magloire was now the "black champion the of corrupany attempt to return to regime ten years to render impossible to is to betray the tion." "To permit the return of the oligarchy power as which "the sons of Dessalines the same rights revolution of 1946," gave to noirisme had of Pétion. These transparent maneuvers exploit the sons who had not seen any of the purlittle effect on the majority of Haitians, of the adminstruggle. The excesses ported benefits of Magloire's ten-year or civil liberties istration, the blatant disregard for political improvements rhetoric. Where could not be masked by and worsening social repression, of Estimé in the late forties, Magloire could hide behind the achievements Finally, support for him in 1956. his personal record lessened any popular mystique of 1946 during the six years of kansonferisme, the revolutionary 170 Blacks without Color who had not seen any of the purlittle effect on the majority of Haitians, of the adminstruggle. The excesses ported benefits of Magloire's ten-year or civil liberties istration, the blatant disregard for political improvements rhetoric. Where could not be masked by and worsening social repression, of Estimé in the late forties, Magloire could hide behind the achievements Finally, support for him in 1956. his personal record lessened any popular mystique of 1946 during the six years of kansonferisme, the revolutionary 170 Blacks without Color --- Page 186 --- urban who collectively perceived began to take hold of the young poor, movement. It bears menof the ideals of the Magloire as the very negation the high-school students, that the main leaders of the May strikes, tioning Lescot. recollection of the struggle against held no strong intention to step down in Following the announcement of Magloire's to the race became more strident. While it contributed 1957, the presidential the political field through the silencing of his opposition, it also opened began of free and fair elections. Various underrepresented groups promise for inclusion. The Women's their on the government to increase pressure feminist organizations, also and Women's Union, the two leading League and began to push for suffrage rights rose in protest against the government denied them in the 1950 election. 91 Clément Jumelle, a young The government backed as Magloire's successor of Labor under Estimé. technocrat who had held a post in the Department like most of the of finance and, He served under Magloire as minister aspirations. He members of the cabinet, had strong presidential second prominent the center and the south. Meanwhile, in the also had some support in Duvalier officially the race intensified when François week of September, declared his candidacy. 92 situation fast deteriorated. With 1956 coming to a close, the political for criticized the regime and campaigned Factions among the elite openly often violent. For example, in Déjoie. The response on both sides was most and from a trip to the United States, Déjoie November upon returning to welcome him narrowly local who had gathered several businesspeople of army soldiers acting on escaped being beaten by a small contingent series of horrifying orders.3 The incident was only one of a Magloire's of Duvalier supporters, that erupted in the last two months 1956. The episodes launched a series of bombings around the city. working underground, site for such disruptions. packed Marché de Fer became a popular densely would frequently induce panic and Shots randomly fired by political thugs of merchant of vendors from the market and the closing result in the flight stores and commercial offices. 94 The efforts of December Magloire's alternatives were dwindling. By early activity proved successful. A "coup by the opposition to impede commercial strike took effect. Peasants word of mouth" followed and a weeklong general food to refused to bring from the provinces, prompted by oppositionists, and intimidated private Port-au-Prince, bus drivers parked their vehicles refused to motorists to do the same, and shopkeepers and businesspeople officers, many of whom were loyal open their stores. The lower-ranking Blacks without Color 171 94 The efforts of December Magloire's alternatives were dwindling. By early activity proved successful. A "coup by the opposition to impede commercial strike took effect. Peasants word of mouth" followed and a weeklong general food to refused to bring from the provinces, prompted by oppositionists, and intimidated private Port-au-Prince, bus drivers parked their vehicles refused to motorists to do the same, and shopkeepers and businesspeople officers, many of whom were loyal open their stores. The lower-ranking Blacks without Color 171 --- Page 187 --- did little to help the situation. To silence to either Duvalier or Fignolé, and turned executive Magloire resigned on 6 December his opponents, Court. As part of a prearranged plan with Levelt, power over to the Supreme of the army. Under this ruse, he retained the post of commander-in-chief including Déimmediately jailed over a hundred oppositionists, Magloire Court to reject the executive power. With no joie, and forced the Supreme who was to serve Levelt passed the power of the state to Magloire, executive, attempted to force Washington into Magloire as a provisional president. fearful that his presence supporting his move. But the State Department, that could be used by would further larger strikes and perhaps a revolution U.S. Magloire unnecessarily angered Soviet interests, was unsympathetic. for that the U.S. embassy was mostly responsible officials when he suggested with Haitian affairs."5 strikes through their "interference the paralyzing food sent to lessen the economic When soldiers confiscated U.S. supplies aside."96 A officials decided it was time for Magloire to "step plight, U.S. Two days later strike was again launched on 10 December. large general and thus it was that the military Magloire boarded a plane to Jamaica, battle of ended and Haiti plunged headlong into a political dictatorship proportions hitherto unknown. of the of the long and chaotic second phase presidential The history 1957) is widely covered in the campaign (12 December 1956-22 September occurrence, tend to treat it as an isolated literature." 97 Conventional analyses politics. As a result, the disconnected from the march of postoccupation to the of the battle and its significance in relation underlying importance is underemphasized. history of leftism and political opposition have pointed out that its The more critical analyses of the campaign Michelcharacteristic was the strong emphasis on partisanship. defining the absence of a sustained debate on the Rolph Trouillot has lamented the late fifties, and the fact that central issues facing the country during of 98 Patrick merely content to build a popular base support. candidates were that the candidates represented Bellegarde-Smith has gone further, arguing thereof, but no fulldifferent social classes, or factions "differing emphases, understood." >99 Indeed, the campaign as fledged ideological split as generally battles that domiwhole marked a definitive break from the ideological a there were signs of tradiscourse in the forties. Nonetheless, nated political Some likened the euphoria of Magloire's ditional antagonisms from that era. of the four prinfall a decade before. 100 Significantly, all ouster to Lescot's movement of the forties candidates were linked to the revolutionary cipal each other. Analysis of pamand drew heavily on this fact in combating 172 Blacks without Color >99 Indeed, the campaign as fledged ideological split as generally battles that domiwhole marked a definitive break from the ideological a there were signs of tradiscourse in the forties. Nonetheless, nated political Some likened the euphoria of Magloire's ditional antagonisms from that era. of the four prinfall a decade before. 100 Significantly, all ouster to Lescot's movement of the forties candidates were linked to the revolutionary cipal each other. Analysis of pamand drew heavily on this fact in combating 172 Blacks without Color --- Page 188 --- speeches ofthe leading candidates highlight phlets, editorials, and campaign the ferocity of this contest. was of departure, a new provisional government Within days Magloire's head of the Supreme Court. set up, headed by Joseph Nemours Pierre-Louis, order and set a of the new government was to restore public The objective and the U.S. State Department date for elections that the new government surfaced, all conhoped would be 15 May. Nineteen candidates anxiously them were, for the first time since 1941, tending for the presidency. Among accomplice candidates, Déjoie and Alfred Viau, Trujillo's two light-skinned returned to Haiti. But the principal in the Roland affair, who had recently That Daniel Fignolé Duvalier, Fignolé, Jumelle, and Déjoie. candidates were came as a surprise to no one given his decided to enter the presidential race chalked "Vote Fignolé" in the capital. Dockworkers incredible popularity leader were pasted to locomotives along the wharf, and posters of the young the Port-au-Prince, 101 Fignolé's entrance in presidential and buses around worried his opponents early in the campaign. race, however, noiristes and former allies in MOP, were now Duvalier and Fignolé, both for each another. So divided enemies unable to contain their aversion sworn considerable energy in the early phase of were they that both men spent who knew well the in a corrosive verbal war. Fignolé, their campaigns secretary, was especially wary of political views of his party's former general views occasion to warn that the doctor's political Duvalier, taking every their leader's 102 Fignolists contrasted could only lead to brutal dictatorship.' cowardice. Duvalier was rewith Duvalier's perceived constant agitation >99 who had little record of physical en bas Caban, ferred to as the "Captain' Intégral commented, 103 "Today," an editorial in Fignolé's Mopisme bravery." initiation, and labor, : . the religion of "after ten years of preparation, For their part, has taken over [the streets] of Port-au-Prince."no) Fignolisme of as a radical communist. A popular Duvalierists painted an image Fignolé with a photograph of a Duvalierist tract featured a "Fignolé of yesterday" radical stateMaoist uniform and excerpts of his most young Fignolé in a ments from the 1946 campaign.0s far as U.S. interests were Of the four, Jumelle was the least favored as held to associated with Magloire and by many concerned. He was too closely economic state. Color and main contributor to the country's dismal be a venomous in the battle between Louis class issues, as expected, were most of the Fignolists and the black candidates. Déjoie was, in the language Déjoie "aristocrat who "exa "colon moderne" and an anti-peuple" and Duvalierists, >106 Déjoie, the favored candidate of ploited without pity the Haitian masses. Blacks without Color 173 ire and by many concerned. He was too closely economic state. Color and main contributor to the country's dismal be a venomous in the battle between Louis class issues, as expected, were most of the Fignolists and the black candidates. Déjoie was, in the language Déjoie "aristocrat who "exa "colon moderne" and an anti-peuple" and Duvalierists, >106 Déjoie, the favored candidate of ploited without pity the Haitian masses. Blacks without Color 173 --- Page 189 --- from an anti-noiriste position in the U.S. embassy, did not shirk upholding of social calling the 1946-56 period "ten years the face of resentment, contradictions in Duvalier's >107 He also drew attention to the regression:" of color, terror would be the result. "The politics, warning that regardless it is the diabolic group of candidate Duvalier has chosen his company : . and brutal force, call Those men who used the reign of Magoie-Prospe-batimel and radical blacks and are not afraid to for the extermination of mulattoes use bombs!l"1os issues was also reflected in The dominance of personal politics over party labor and the Marxist left in the campaign. the minimal role played by of unionism had by 1957 endured almost ten years repression. Independent increased significantly, further reducing During that period, unemployment invested their hopes in the success of the potential to organize. Workers thus had the welfare of the laleaders who convinced them that they the political achieved some level of success in securing borers at heart. Duvalier remained the idol of of certain sectors with this tactic, and Fignolé that the support workers during the fifties. All this meant the unorganized urban in the Estimé years had recurrent of independent unionism experienced in the demands of urban workers were framed politiceded significantly and To be sure, unionism did reemerge. cal terms rather than labor concerns. of the urban workers, held a The chauffeurs, the most organized sector union under conference and attempted to start an independent national strikes early in the year, such as There were also small-scale Ernst Coulanges. Nonetheless, attempts at independent a HASCO strike for improved wages. the of workers among laborers were rare, as majority political organization into the electoral combat. 109 organizations were easily absorbed of similar The years underground The Marxists shared a experience. to form organileft Haitian Marxism in disarray. Tentative attempts activity Marxist journal, zations in the provinces, or to launch an independent broke out, the and thus once the crisis of 1956- 57 achieved little success, Former members of the PSP who younger socialists were caught unprepared. could do little more than watch to fight the tide ofthe debate were unwilling the events unfold,"0 that conRigaud's Alliance Démocratique In fact, it was only Georges amid the chaos and hinted tinued to maintain a liberal democratic platform Its failure to make of the previous decade. at the independent organization of the rival parties renincursions in the camps dominated by supporters tendencies, such as uninfluential. Other groups with Marxist dered it largely in the form of mobilization the PPLN, lent unequivocal support to Fignolé 174 Blacks without Color fight the tide ofthe debate were unwilling the events unfold,"0 that conRigaud's Alliance Démocratique In fact, it was only Georges amid the chaos and hinted tinued to maintain a liberal democratic platform Its failure to make of the previous decade. at the independent organization of the rival parties renincursions in the camps dominated by supporters tendencies, such as uninfluential. Other groups with Marxist dered it largely in the form of mobilization the PPLN, lent unequivocal support to Fignolé 174 Blacks without Color --- Page 190 --- Although this may seem somewhat contradictory and financial support. it should be made clear that the given Fignolé's vehement anticommunism, of Fignolé's derived from reasons other than an acceptance relationship platform. being the only major veteran of For many of the young radicals, Fignolé, held a revolutionary 1946 at the forefront of the presidential campaign, workers in the capital command over the majority oft the allure. His superior privileged charismatic the admiration of a generation that increasingly won members of the PPLN argued that leadership over ideology. More pragmatic classes, and the the candidate most closely linked to the laboring he was foothold without siding with could have no hope of gaining a popular party Alexis lent his talents to speech writing for Déjoie, him. 111 Jacques Stephen criticized by other Marxists. whom he supported, a move that was heavily René he friend Depestre, his decision in a letter to his estranged Justifying that defines our nation after the argued, "In the desert of ideas and men the one with Louis Déjoie appears to me to be only overthrow of Magloire, to be the best."12 Lucien which although incomplete, appears a program of the PCH, became a speech writer and Daumec, former secretary-general the confused state of the Marxist Thus key figure in Duvalier's campaign. the disparate groups a collective allegiance among left in 1957 precluded of leftists. also brought out the regional The tempo and tenor of the campaign continued to be the undifferences and tensions in the country. Fignolé however, Port-au-Prince and its suburbs. In the provinces, disputed leader of There, the battle was strongest behis influence was significantly weaker. southwest the majority stood and Duvalier. In the south and tween Déjoie with agricultural developbehind Déjoie, whose platform and experience black solution than claims to power. ment promised a more pragmatic Artibonite. The central base of however, dominated the north and Duvalier, the numbers of unemployed popular support for all candidates was large the interior willing to that migrated to the capital in droves from workers All four men would make good offer their services to the various candidates. on this as the campaign wore on. exercised considerable conIn February, however, it was Déjoie who and merchant events in the city through his financial strength trol over Thus when he called a strike in February against and commercial support. move in favor of Jumelle by Pierre-Louis, who many suspected made a succeeded in of the provisional cabinet, Déjoists supporting the resignation Pierre-Louis's resignation. The econbringing business to a halt and forcing Blacks without Color 175 would make good offer their services to the various candidates. on this as the campaign wore on. exercised considerable conIn February, however, it was Déjoie who and merchant events in the city through his financial strength trol over Thus when he called a strike in February against and commercial support. move in favor of Jumelle by Pierre-Louis, who many suspected made a succeeded in of the provisional cabinet, Déjoists supporting the resignation Pierre-Louis's resignation. The econbringing business to a halt and forcing Blacks without Color 175 --- Page 191 --- returns from the coffee crop the previous year were omy was paralyzed as tourism had all but ceased since the much lower than anticipated and however, was the of violence. The immediate problem, outbreak political After much deliberation it was interminable battle among the candidates. a black lawyer that Franck Sylvain, decided by vote in the National Assembly charged Goâve, would become the second provisional president from Grand with the task of calming the fractious partisans. and for the developments was little prepared The Sylvain government also to the divisions among civiclashes. The army was yielding daily political Among the lowerwiden considerably. lians and saw its internal cleavages The army superiors to Fignolé. ranking officers there was a strong allegiance most malleable Duvalier, whom they saw as the for the most part supported backed Déjoie. Sylvain was proof the four. A minority of milat officers would not have and made it clear that Jumelle, Fignolé, and Déjoie Duvalier caretaker cabinet he set For the next month, in the up.114 fair representation barely managed to keep up a profile of Sylvain and the army high command install the mechanism to ensure worked to neutrality as they systematically Duvalier's victory. revealed his true colors. Acting on a As tensions built in the city, Sylvain million dollars while claim that Jumelle extorted nearly half a of questionable Sylvain ordered the arrest serving as minister of finance under Magloire, dissolved the Senate and the who was in hiding.' 115 He also the candidate, claiming that his of and attempted to arrest Fignolé, Chamber Deputies illegal. His fatal move was to use voter regispopular radio broadcasts were the electoral machinery for tration in the provinces as a means of instituting in the south Not surprisingly, the Déjoie strongholds a Duvalier victory. in the capital followed suit. Along launched riots and Fignolé's supporters threatening to movement to overthrow Sylvain was the wharf, a popular Port-au-Prince to a led strike brought erupt. On 1 April, a Fignolé-Déjoie bombs and Molotov cocktails was standstill. When a cache of homemade Sylvian was among several Duvalier sympathizuncovered the following day, left the chief of the army, Léon The embarrassing affair ers implicated. resignation on the grounds Cantave, with little choice but to force Sylvain's to civil unrest.' 116 that he was an accessory tensions. A had failed to neutralize partisan Two provisional presidents aimed at resolving the of candidates and their supporters series of meetings nothing of consequence. The caused by interim rule produced pressures the only solution was to form a civilian governarmy therefore determined (CEG) comprising thircommittee, a Conseil Exécutif Gouvernement ing 176 Blacks without Color embarrassing affair ers implicated. resignation on the grounds Cantave, with little choice but to force Sylvain's to civil unrest.' 116 that he was an accessory tensions. A had failed to neutralize partisan Two provisional presidents aimed at resolving the of candidates and their supporters series of meetings nothing of consequence. The caused by interim rule produced pressures the only solution was to form a civilian governarmy therefore determined (CEG) comprising thircommittee, a Conseil Exécutif Gouvernement ing 176 Blacks without Color --- Page 192 --- candidates. It was entrusted with of the six principal teen representatives date for the election, which had the task of restoring stability and setting a had the fraudulent machinery installed by Sylvain been postponed because weeks after its formation, the CEG Less than three had to be dismantled."7 claiming that the other when Duvalier withdrew his supporters, collapsed that has against his candidacy. In an impassioned speech ten were plotting took to the radio imploring his supporters since become legendary, Duvalier mad."18 Duvalier's as the other candidates had "all gone to remain strong, disorder in the adroit maneuver to reignite public speech was an political civilian committee, and force a weaken the influence of the main cities, that he hoped would ensure his victory. military junta and continued its task of voter registraThe CEG, nonetheless, persevered This move also without Duvalier's supporters. tion and electoral preparation to be working on as the CEG now appeared played to Duvalier's advantage in an effort to stabilize the behalf of Fignolé and Déjoie. When the CEG, banned environment for the proper conduct of electoral planning, volatile radio broadcasts, the scene was set for all political meetings and prohibited for 16 June, Duvalier propadisaster. Once a date for elections was declared Duvalier's to bring about the election of Fignolé. gandists called it a coup Haîtien, and elsein the Estimé strongholds of St. Marc, Cap supporters the directives of the CEG, immediately where in the north, refusing to accept from Port-aucommittees and threatened to break away set up their own in Haîtien, where farmers in Prince. The scene was most dramatic Cap the roadblock intended to prevent support of Duvalier erected a sixty-foot efforts at voter of food to the capital,19 All across the country, transport marred by violence and rioting. registration were clear that Haiti was perilously descendBy the second week of May, it was feared that the disorder anarchy. U.S. representatives ing into full-fledged and Central American states, and sent would spread to other Caribbean the U.S. ambasveteran of the occupation, to replace aged Gerald Drew, a ill-health was considered a liability at sador in Haiti, Roy Tasco Davis, whose in Haiti. 120 The when the United States needed a strong presence a time closed down in protest at the CEG's hannational bank and the legislature in regular conflicts dling of affairs. In Port-au-Prince, Fignolists engaged of women in the of Duvalier. Hired thugs clubbed a group with supporters in support of Déjoie. 121 Along capital who had organized a peaceful protest stoned, or and their supporters were beaten, the campaign trail candidates 18 May, which ended only harassed by rivals. A bloody battle on Flag Day, in front of the fired into a crowd carrying the blue and red flag when soldiers Blacks without Color 177 's hannational bank and the legislature in regular conflicts dling of affairs. In Port-au-Prince, Fignolists engaged of women in the of Duvalier. Hired thugs clubbed a group with supporters in support of Déjoie. 121 Along capital who had organized a peaceful protest stoned, or and their supporters were beaten, the campaign trail candidates 18 May, which ended only harassed by rivals. A bloody battle on Flag Day, in front of the fired into a crowd carrying the blue and red flag when soldiers Blacks without Color 177 --- Page 193 --- Cathedral, forced Cantave to oust the CEG and Since Cantave was the swiftly declare martial law. 122 among members of the toward the Duvalier army hierarchy with camp, the move was read as a leanings the democratic process and further attempt to block secure a Duvalier other candidates responded presidency. Supporters of the strike. Déjoie, emphatically to their leaders' call for a using his significant influence, general among the soldiers and capitalized on the divisions garnered support from various allies in support the appointment of police chief the army to vored by the U.S. Pierre Armand, who was also faembassy as Cantave's replacement. 123 was unwilling to give up power. With the Cantave, however, rivalry between Cantave and dissolution of the CEG and the Armand, Haiti was ment or a unified military. literally without a governOn 25 May, the looming civil war came ing. A daylong battle took frighteningly close to materializplace outside the Casernes Cantave and his supporters Dessalines, where Armand's were in refuge fending off the forces outside. Over a dozen civilians onslaught of wounded in the were killed and scores fatally shooting. A contingent of Armand's Force attacked the Casernes and soldiers from the Air miraculously in one instance dropped a bomb did not detonate) in the heavily crowded (which Casernes. 124 At the same time, street adjacent to the their leader had Fignolé's woulo, under the that been arrested by Cantave, stormed impression stoning police and burning buildings, throughout the city, vehicles, radio destroy everything in their path. stations, seeking to organizing his shock Déjoie also capitalized on the moment, troops in the city with the of Duvalier's intention of support. The homes of known eliminating all lier's own house on Ruelle Duvalierists, including DuvaRoy, were stoned and ther side able to end the nearly torched. With neiprotests, the three black candidates gency meeting under heavy held an emergunfire in the Casernes official resignation of Cantave and that resulted in the Armand and the Antonio Kébreau, then appointment of General making secret deals with new leader. Duvalier, as the army's The standoffbetween the army and civilian on 25 May. It was the first of two leadership reached its climax desperate crucial victories for Duvalier. attempt to turn the tide of the Déjoie's geoisie was exposed by his campaign in favor of the bourThat a member of the elite Participation in the bombing of the Casernes. was willing to resort to such an already fragile situation discredited measures and exploit his ance among the black candidates campaign significantly. The alliclass issue out into the against Armand and Déjoie brought the open. The most decisive outcome of the conflict, 178 Blacks without Color was the first of two leadership reached its climax desperate crucial victories for Duvalier. attempt to turn the tide of the Déjoie's geoisie was exposed by his campaign in favor of the bourThat a member of the elite Participation in the bombing of the Casernes. was willing to resort to such an already fragile situation discredited measures and exploit his ance among the black candidates campaign significantly. The alliclass issue out into the against Armand and Déjoie brought the open. The most decisive outcome of the conflict, 178 Blacks without Color --- Page 194 --- on the advice of the decision of Jumelle and Duvalier, acting however, was interest of the country and the people" Daniel Emile St. Lôt, that "in the 125 The following day Daniel Fignolé was to be made provisional president. of urban protest, the the man who for a decade was the centrifuge Fignolé, in the country, and the only candidate with most popular political figure situation, was sworn in as influence to stabilize the worsening enough provincial president of the republic. of the campaign a month Fignolé in fact had become the frontrunner reflecting president. He reformed MOP and, before being named provisional Organisation ideology, had its name changed to Mouvement a less militant in 1956. Thus the day of his du Pays (National Organization Movement) for his followers. Outside the inauguration proved historically significant were barely able the Champs de Mars his supporters palace and throughout of his new journal Foi contain their excitement. From the headquarters to the along the central roads of Sociale in Carrefour Feuille, and from buildings corridors, roofs, poured out of the balconies, the cities, Fignolé's supporters down the steps of the Palace, and into the streets. 126 Once Fignolé stepped of of MOP flags, dwarfed by his legion joyous he was barely visible in the sea followers. Port-au-Prince the efforts of the DuvalierFignolé had a large mandate. In as many of the capital had moderate success, ists in the provinces to strangle need of the restoration of were starving and in desperate the slumdwellers the national bank in the preceding months food supplies. The closing of and the national treasury circulation meant that there was limited moneyin thus invested a down to $6 million (U.S.).7 The urban poor reserves were Fignolé made promises to increase lot of hope in the Fignolé government. condiwhere he examined agricultural wages, made visits to the provinces to assist in restoring and attempted to build a cabinet of technocrats tions, halted. 128 But a presidential campaign was production, which had suddenly law barring a provisional president still in effect, and despite a constitutional intention of leaving the Nafor election, Fignolé showed no from running this and the way in which he set tional Palace. His firmness in maintaining such as a series of reforms designed to strengthen support, about instituting both shocked and angered his opponents. raising the daily wage, a serious problem was not only News of the leftist Fignolé's appointment the United States, where for the Haitian elite, but also of grave concern in and magain Haiti featured prominently in major newspapers the events three years after the Guatezines.' 129 That the Haitian crisis occurred only interests over the debacle only created greater fears among U.S. malan Blacks without Color 179 His firmness in maintaining such as a series of reforms designed to strengthen support, about instituting both shocked and angered his opponents. raising the daily wage, a serious problem was not only News of the leftist Fignolé's appointment the United States, where for the Haitian elite, but also of grave concern in and magain Haiti featured prominently in major newspapers the events three years after the Guatezines.' 129 That the Haitian crisis occurred only interests over the debacle only created greater fears among U.S. malan Blacks without Color 179 --- Page 195 --- At a meeting of the emergence of a potentially Communist government. included President National Security Council (NSC) on 27 May, which the Nixon, the Fignolé appointment was Eisenhower and Vice-President U.S. security. CIA director first item on the agenda of developments affecting was "not exactly a communist," Allen Dulles warned that although Fignolé friendly to the leftist orientation" and "was not especially he had "a strong that the "disturbing" situation in United States."30 He was also worried the 131 Eisendifficulties to political stability in region. Haiti presented great with the Secretary of hower himself revealed his concern, in conversation become in Washington, that Fignolé "might eventually the French Embassy reflected the implacability of another Arbenz. >132 The president's comment of the There was no formal U.S. recognition U.S. opposition to Fignolé. demonstrate their disapFignolé government and officials began to publicly who had left the island in Former U.S. ambassador Roy Tasco Davis, proval. claiming that he beMarch, fanned the flames of distrust in Washington, U.S. the next Arbenz. 133 In dispatches to Washington, lieved Fignolé to be initial political program commented that Fignolé's officials in Port-au-Prince with the Soviets." >134 was "comparable from U.S. blacks then engrossed in the civil Fignolé found little help observed Haitian affairs a movement. The U.S. black press that closely rights refrained from extended commentary on the campaign, decade before now the perplexing political situapartially betraying an inability to fully grasp Haiti lost its with the death of Walter White in 1955, tion.' 135 Moreover, in the NAACP. Thus, all of Fignolé's strength greatest supporter and lobbyist following 25 May lay in his local supporters. traditional interest groups, Popular support, though sufficient to worry His leftthe survival of Fignolé's presidency. was not enough to guarantee for him to garner necessary wing reputation made it virtually impossible failure in from the established power structure. Fignolé's greatest support almost exclusively on the popular classes in Port-auhis campaign was to rely influential sections of the armed Prince without making inroads into the the black interests. Moreover, the fatal divisions among forces or business him since his battle with Estimé, broke middle class, which had discredited Fignolé he could have gained from that constituency. any strong support of using his provisional president status to thus realized that any intention the powerful leaders of the remain in office would involve neutralizing armed forces, the sector he most distrusted. ordering the dishe attempted to weaken the military by On 12 June, of three hundred civilians, all of whom missal of police and the addition 180 Blacks without Color the black interests. Moreover, the fatal divisions among forces or business him since his battle with Estimé, broke middle class, which had discredited Fignolé he could have gained from that constituency. any strong support of using his provisional president status to thus realized that any intention the powerful leaders of the remain in office would involve neutralizing armed forces, the sector he most distrusted. ordering the dishe attempted to weaken the military by On 12 June, of three hundred civilians, all of whom missal of police and the addition 180 Blacks without Color --- Page 196 --- were also disarmed and the his The palace guard troops were partisans. devoted to him were promoted to key lower rank and file officers who were between him and the new 136 These orders created a serious problem posts. obvious plan was to reduce the Chief of Staff of the Army, Kébreau. Fignolé's What he did not know was its leadership. threat of the army by undermining already to remove leaders, with U.S. knowledge, were plotting that the army executed. Kébreau gave the office.137 Two days later the plan was him from the off, making sure they were lower-ranking officers night pro-Fignolé cabinet meeting, a disarmed before leaving the barracks.38, At an emergency kidof officers broke into the president's chambers, small contingent army letter, and forced him at gunpoint to sign a resignation napped Fignolé, him into what would become a thirtyrushed him into a waiting car, sending year exile. for the overthrow Fignolé's The army high command gave as the reason the Not of his position and weaken army.39 intention to take advantage and from New York, where he surprisingly, Fignolé did not accept the move have him reinhe blamed Duvalier and petitioned Kébreau to was exiled, candidate.' 140 But it was clear that no one stated, as he was still a presidential which was intervene on his behalf, least of all the U.S. government, would weeks, after failed attempts to win relieved to see him go. In the following with Déjoie and defor his presidency, Fignolé reconciled U.S. support exiled Haitians in New York to try and block cided to work with a base of Duvalier's election. 141 the course of removal of from the presidential seat changed The Fignolé decision to accept the In retrospect, Fignolé's the campaign immeasurably. have been a poorly conceived plan to post of provisional president appears to But in the heated and use it to remain in office. obtain presidential power split between Duvalier and days of May, with army and bourgeois support possibly the only solution to the crisis. Fignolé quite Déjoie, it seemed would be able to curb the influence of the army thought that as president he that his adversaries had command. Yet there is evidence which suggests was high before the fatal events of 25 May, and it been planning the move from taken in the interest of not, as is often assumed, a last-minute decision created a trap for order. 142 Jumelle and his temporary ally Duvalier of public the ardent Duvalierist Kébreau the chief Fignolé from the outset. Making was a fait the moment Fignolé was given the appointment staff at very accompli assurance of Duvalier support. leader; he was a phenomwas far more than a political But Daniel Fignolé force of his supporters The had to contend with the reactionary enon. army Blacks without Color 181 decision created a trap for order. 142 Jumelle and his temporary ally Duvalier of public the ardent Duvalierist Kébreau the chief Fignolé from the outset. Making was a fait the moment Fignolé was given the appointment staff at very accompli assurance of Duvalier support. leader; he was a phenomwas far more than a political But Daniel Fignolé force of his supporters The had to contend with the reactionary enon. army Blacks without Color 181 --- Page 197 --- Thus when word of the professor's forced in the streets of Port-au-Prince. From La Saline to made the city broke out in protest. exile was public, hovels that lined the waterfront, legions of Bolosse and out of the cramped for revolution. As took to the streets, beating pots and calling Fignolists marched through the streets of the capital hundreds of angry protesters action. Truckloads of solstreet lamps, Kébreau put the army into destroying drove around the darkdiers armed with submachine guns and flashlights could find. of Port-au-Prince shooting as many protestors as they ened center retreated to the bidonvilles, When the protestors, wounded and frightened, the killing. The followed them and for another day continued the soldiers of the mass terror imposed two-day massacre cast a frightening premonition astonished at the the Duvalier regime. Contemporary journalists were by out. Carleton Beals, a journalexactitude with which the order was carried description of the campaign, offered a chilling ist for The Nation covering the event: turned his soldiers loose on the slum districts-which The new Caesar demonstrating in favor comprise most of this city. . Unarmed people, The were mowed down by machine guns. of their fallen idol, Fignolé, of dead reaches 476. The and the latest estimate hospitals are jammed because all but the few bodies taken to actual number cannot be known loaded into lorries and buried in the plain. - Many the morgue were random from their homes were demonstrators and people dragged at trains of peowithout food or shelter on La Gonâve. Every day dumped the and every day soldiers have ple are led down the streets by soldiery, of by illegal search or arrest, the followers Fignolé." been terrorizing, were brutally silenced, the in Port-au-Prince Once Fignolé's supporters terror. A reunified army was again at country lapsed into a state of controlled de Gouvernement the Conseil Militaire the helm under a three-man junta, little to the bruKébreau. Washington offered response (CMG) headed by within a week of the of the military and granted it full recognition tality on this international recognislaughter of Fignolists. 144 Kébreau capitalized including censored the press. Editors of any paper, tion and immediately of Fignolé were subject MOP's own Foi Sociale, who published a photograph and strict bans was forced to comply with the army to arrest. The judiciary and debates. were enforced against political meetings the greatest obstaThe success of the army's efforts to eliminate Fignolé, 182 Blacks without Color headed by within a week of the of the military and granted it full recognition tality on this international recognislaughter of Fignolists. 144 Kébreau capitalized including censored the press. Editors of any paper, tion and immediately of Fignolé were subject MOP's own Foi Sociale, who published a photograph and strict bans was forced to comply with the army to arrest. The judiciary and debates. were enforced against political meetings the greatest obstaThe success of the army's efforts to eliminate Fignolé, 182 Blacks without Color --- Page 198 --- the prestige and position of the cle to a Duvalier victory, strengthened and the two leaders of the opposition were threatened doctor. All major were forcibly taken out of Rigaud and Pierre-Louis, former PSP members, villages in the north, where they Port-au-Prince and exiled to remote peasant and a series of under close watch. 145 After the press was silenced were kept an election date was set for 22 restrictive laws passed, in early August that Kébreau's support 146 There is evidence to support the notion September. fearful of an Estimist in for Duvalier was not entirely assured, as Trujillo, instead. 147 made overtures to Kébreau to have him support Déjoie power, chance that any other civilian Kébreau wavered, there was little Although Duvalier after mid-June. He had the support, candidate was able to challenge no matter how uncertain, of the army. Smith has argued that In his analysis of the election, Patrick Bellegardehe reDuvalier's was the "decisive" support the real strength in campaign which believed he "represented progress ceived from the State Department, While it is of the middle-class to political maturity."nas and the emergence it came much later in the campaign true that Duvalier received U.S. support, of the indicates. Duvalier's position as a member than Bellegarde-Smith why the United States black middle class and staunch Estimist was precisely radical the campaign. Concerns over remained wary of him throughout indeed at the forefront of U.S. reformism under a Duvalier presidency were officials confused of the situation. We have seen how easily U.S. evaluations All the black candidates, at one black nationalism in Haiti with communism. affiliations or tendenwere suspected of having communist time or another, who seemed the strongest guarantor of cies. 149 It was Déjoie, the candidate of the State Department who received the strongest backing the status quo, until the month before the election. the U.S. ambasmeetings with the CMG, in which After two frustrating date for the election, Kébreau and sador pleaded with Kébreau to set a would torch hand. rumors that the army Duvalier played their Widespread if it did not get and "break relations" with Washington the U.S. embassy officials. 150 In a letter to the reached the ears of State Department support Drew noted his fear that if the U.S. resisted State Department, Ambassador for Déjoie, there was "the of the election and push the army's handling to the Soviets for help or that the danger Haiti might at least threaten to turn or elsewhere might try to make propaCommunists in [the] hemisphere fears of communist infiltra9151 By antagonizing Drew, and playing on ganda." Thus, U.S. support for Duvalier came tion, the CMG won reluctant support. Blacks without Color 183 of State Department support Drew noted his fear that if the U.S. resisted State Department, Ambassador for Déjoie, there was "the of the election and push the army's handling to the Soviets for help or that the danger Haiti might at least threaten to turn or elsewhere might try to make propaCommunists in [the] hemisphere fears of communist infiltra9151 By antagonizing Drew, and playing on ganda." Thus, U.S. support for Duvalier came tion, the CMG won reluctant support. Blacks without Color 183 --- Page 199 --- François Duvalier and members of the Photograph by Robert W. Kelley, Time army during the 1957 & Life Pictures, presidential campaign. courtesy of Getty Images. late in the campaign and was not out of fear that, without determined by a beliefi in his collapse and support of the army, a candidacy, but possibly open the Déjoie presidency With new country to communist would confidence, Duvalier influence. galvanize support. Duvalier's embarked on a countrywide the noirisme of the campaign speeches made only veiled campaign to beliefs behind previous decade, his hints of a vague discourse he cloaking intentions and result of Duvalier's called Estimisme. This political paign, which courting of members of the may have been a most observers bourgeoisie on. 152 suspected to be more crucial during his camThroughout his campaign Duvalier than Duvalier let tionary mystique of 1946 and to never failed to exploit the revoluspeech in Cap Haîtien present himself as Estimé's on the last of was typical of the dozens he political heir. A leg the campaign: "The gave across the iron. The progressive Revolution of 1946 broke the country government of circle of country a new blood. The Dumarsais Estimé infused in the sional, were no peasant, the worker, the entire all longer molested, intellectual, the these great ideas and unknown or scorned. I firmly profeswill see past the sentiments, and that the people will believe in materialism and of be guided and authenticity and determine vulgarity the enemies of all my victory on September 22. '153 spiritual 184 Blacks without Color the country government of circle of country a new blood. The Dumarsais Estimé infused in the sional, were no peasant, the worker, the entire all longer molested, intellectual, the these great ideas and unknown or scorned. I firmly profeswill see past the sentiments, and that the people will believe in materialism and of be guided and authenticity and determine vulgarity the enemies of all my victory on September 22. '153 spiritual 184 Blacks without Color --- Page 200 --- Conclusion commitment of important sectors of the Support in the north and the of a Duand black middle class were seen as insufficient guarantees army that relied on the popular vote, the CMG envalier victory. In an election in the communal councils, sured that Duvalierists held all key positions officers loyal to the Court, and provincial electoral boards. Army Supreme and, to the U.S. embassy's report, CMG were placed at the polls according influence voters to vote for ordered to intimidate Déjoie supporters and on sheriffs arrested Déjoie supporters Duvalier.' 154 In the south, pro-Duvalier until after all votes were cast. of the election and placed them in jail the eve that votes for Duvalier outnumIn certain provinces, fraud was SO rampant Two days before the the number of the local population. bered by 50 percent hatched by Duvalier and Kébreau election, the U.S. embassy learned of a plot election results was after the and Jumelle immediately to arrest Déjoie withdrew from the election and announced.' 155 Primarily out of fear, Jumelle urged his followers to abstain from voting. whose supportunsatisfactory for Duvalier, Even such techniques proved known as cagoulards (masked mobilized themselves into commandos ers districts in Port-au-Prince, terrorizing all thugs) and invaded the slum Duvalierists won the majority in non-Duvalier supporters. On 22 September votes to Déjoie's and their leader received 679,884 all the départements, won the in Port9.980. 156 Although Déjoie majority 266,992 and Jumelle's unable to gain any seats in the au-Prince and Les Cayes, his supporters were with little and fraud, coupled Senate. Extreme use of force, intimidation, Duvalier into power interference from the United States, ushered François for all far more brutal than Jacques Roumain, and launched a dictatorship his prescience, could have ever imagined. Blacks without Color 185 --- Page 201 --- This page intentionally left blank --- Page 202 --- CONCLUSION + The trees are cut down from time to time but the voice of the forest never loses its power. JACQUES STEPHEN ALEXIS, Les arbes musiciens, 1957 during the than a month after his November 1957 inauguration, ess François Duvalier made a proposal debates over the new constitution, I that startled many people in Port-au-Prince. to the National Assembly he insisted the Haitian flag be Now that the authentiques were back in power, and red, which, he its traditional blue and red bands to black changed from first month in the true colors of Haiti. Reporting on Duvalier's argued, were Randolph III, the Secreofficeto his superiors at the State Department, Virgil that did nothing but called the proposal a "new low" tary of the U.S. embassy, he >) He also noted that given Duvalier's "impotence" arouse "popular disgust." such a "trivial manifestation." would be unable to carry through Duvalier would It would be another seven years before a more powerful for life, the colors of the flag, and, by declaring himself president change he and the black and red flag were "one and announce to the world that uprooted his opposition indivisible." By then, Duvalier had systematically Kébreau, and forced exile, torture, and murder. the U.S. embassy, he >) He also noted that given Duvalier's "impotence" arouse "popular disgust." such a "trivial manifestation." would be unable to carry through Duvalier would It would be another seven years before a more powerful for life, the colors of the flag, and, by declaring himself president change he and the black and red flag were "one and announce to the world that uprooted his opposition indivisible." By then, Duvalier had systematically Kébreau, and forced exile, torture, and murder. Magloire, Fignolé, through who had remained in hiding since 1957, Déjoie were in exile. Jumelle, after Duvalierists sumsuccumbed to hypertension two years later, not long who braved several members of his family. The few leftists marily executed form of militant communism briefly surthis tyrannical rule suffered.? A in the wake of within the leadership of the Parti d'Entente Populaire faced silenced with the brutal Castro revolution, but it was effectively the 1959 Alexis in 1961. Across the country, terror-ridden murder of Jacques Stephen sinister militia, the Tonton Haitians shook under the tight grip of Duvalier's further indication then, Duvalier's 1957 proposal was Makout. In retrospect, and social that with a vision of democracy progressive that an era began change had passed. --- Page 203 --- unified in its aims defined the period of A nationalist movement that was movement of the At the dawn of the thirties, the intellectual désoccupation. of the twenties and the burgeoning political organizations writers and poets foreign By worked in tandem to combat occupation. among the elite youth a reaction to the the struggle was shaped in terms that were primarily urbanites were forced to accept. By connew social context that Haitian in favor of the bourthe balance of political power completely centrating the conflict between the geoisie, the U.S. occupation served to intensify of radicals to this milat elite and the black middle class. The responses Rouelite radicals, led by Jacques scenario were varied. On the one hand, of Haitian clamored for a Marxist restructuring main and Max Hudicourt, differences. On the other hand, the society and greater attention to class cultural difference into small black middle class transformed an emphasis on Eurothat advocated black power. Both groups drew on a political discourse alternative for postoccupation Haiti. Howpean theoryin positing a political they shared little emerging from the nationalist movement, ever, despite else in common. radical groups In the thirties the divisions among the more prominent Vincentist lines. The dominance of the were clearly drawn along ideological mobilization. Moreover, the state allowed little space for large-scale political the effects of the Great suffering from majority of the urban population, alienated from the radical remained Depression and underemployment, to build a workingthe tentative efforts of the communists groups despite slowly as the decade wore on. The massacre class base. This began to change politithe first political challenge to the postoccupation of 1937 provided the government's weak response to cal system. Popular protests against shattered the nationalist having little short-term success, the event, though fervent for political of the and contributed to a more struggle claims regime participation. continued. State suppression of orgaDuring the Lescot years resistance of radical activism in the activity sought to limit the entry nized political incapable of containing the spread political sphere. Lescot, however, proved social dissidents from various backgrounds of radical ideas, and political to undermine the reand employed different strategies worked together surfacing most draNonetheless, the ideological divisions remained, gime. the event, though fervent for political of the and contributed to a more struggle claims regime participation. continued. State suppression of orgaDuring the Lescot years resistance of radical activism in the activity sought to limit the entry nized political incapable of containing the spread political sphere. Lescot, however, proved social dissidents from various backgrounds of radical ideas, and political to undermine the reand employed different strategies worked together surfacing most draNonetheless, the ideological divisions remained, gime. of Lescot's demise. Ultimately, the tensions matically in the first months the armed forces and the radical groups after 1946 strengthened among established political institutions. 188 Conclusion --- Page 204 --- were but one factor that weakened radicalism. Ideological disagreements these years unfolded during a The fractious political history of Haiti during constrained by an interperiod of great change in the region. Radicals were their objectives environment that did not completely understand national the communist label to all forms of political activism. and was quick to apply to maintain the political The attitude of the United States, which sought the revoluunder the occupation, had a dual effect on framework instituted the of U.S. thrust of the movements. During the war years expansion tionary Haiti intensified the resistance capital and the attempt to "Americanize" movement. and a new group of noiristes led by The combined efforts of the socialists, state. In the debate against the antidemocratic Daniel Fignolé, sharpened of U.S. impositions as it was a many respects it was as much a critique from the milat At the same time, however, pressure challenge to hegemony. their and platforms. United States forced radicals to reevaluate programs mid-forties the altered his noiriste rhetoric of the Fignolé, for example, of U.S. officials in Haiti. following decade, partially to avoid the antagonism were, at deal of ambiguity, as class analyses The result of all this was a great confused with noiriste appeals to color. times, environment was an inThe greatest outcome of the changing political The concerted tensification of the fratricidal battle among political groups. Lescot dissiand Marxist factions in the struggle to topple efforts of noiriste revolution of 1946. The elaboration of pated with the clashes during the to the black middle color conflicts and the opening of access to state power class changed the face of political competition. of decline. the period was a story gradual For all radical groups, post-1946 and its aftermath gave way to the of the revolution The pyrrhic victory from the Estimist emphasis ambiguities of the Estimé era. Urbanites profited national that deepened the reappraisal of identity on black consciousness for state domination proved far started in the twenties. But the competition and the opto the survival of progressive political parties more dangerous to adjust to the new Moreover, as the Estimé regime struggled position. unable to overcome the inherent problems political arrangements, it was social welfare receded as the of a fragile state. Early attempts to improve the state. The new black fought to their weak hold on noiristes preserve of the early forties who formed part of the noiriste vanguard Estimé politicians For its duration, the succumbed to corruption and opportunism. of its milat and black oppowas threatened by the challenges government Conclusion 189 dangerous to adjust to the new Moreover, as the Estimé regime struggled position. unable to overcome the inherent problems political arrangements, it was social welfare receded as the of a fragile state. Early attempts to improve the state. The new black fought to their weak hold on noiristes preserve of the early forties who formed part of the noiriste vanguard Estimé politicians For its duration, the succumbed to corruption and opportunism. of its milat and black oppowas threatened by the challenges government Conclusion 189 --- Page 205 --- inclusion. Faced with the constant nents and leftist demands for greater Estimists adopted the of independent labor and Marxist parties, agitation they fought against earlier. same type of repression and labor militants were weak and By 1950 the socialists, communists, dictatorship this situation marginal. With the emergence of the military was The failure of radical groups to remain a viable opposition grew worse. in the face of a hostile state and cold due to their inability to find a consensus occasionally arose, The opportunity for left solidarity war anticommunism. divisions and personalism that conbut leftists fell victim to the internal overtures to MOP even Haitian politics. The PSP made no tinued to plague linked them to each other. The though the government often conveniently for a resurgence of the election campaign of 1957 presented an opportunity the Magloire the context had changed considerably during left. Yet political reduced to personal battles for presidency, and conflicts among groups were power. in the era cannot be evaluThe relevance of radicalism postoccupation have been the these limited achievements. Divisiveness may ated solely by radicalism, but it did not characteristic of postoccupation most enduring events. Considered from that the movements failed to shape political mean becomes clear. several perspectives this contribution of historical social divisions The radical opposition's sustained critique manifest in the rise of opposition newspapers and dominant elite ideology, constituted an important and the formation of left-wing parties and unions, urban populace The of the largely illiterate element of protest. politicization efforts of these groups. By raising pubwas in large measure a result of the influenced state policy. radical movements occasionally lic consciousness, for urban workers provoked the Estimé govMOP's call for greater benefits such achievements of progressive labor laws. Although ernment's passage the influence of radical agitation. were few, they illustrate of radicals to social justice served At the individual level, the commitment intellectuals, of militant youth. Radical journalists, to inspire generations risks in their efforts to realize a students, and popular leaders took personal social class, elite radicals vision of a democratic Haiti. Ostracized by their Non-elites suffered hostility, arrest, exile, and even death. endured repeated magnetism was due to his deal as well. Indeed, part ofl Daniel Fignolé's a great the abuses of the state despite the and stubborn refusal to accept courage The result of these efforts can be found in harsh repression he received. of 1946 held for Jacques Roumain, the high regard the revolutionary youth the period. of Fignolé and MOP throughout and the unceasing popularity 190 Conclusion Haiti. Ostracized by their Non-elites suffered hostility, arrest, exile, and even death. endured repeated magnetism was due to his deal as well. Indeed, part ofl Daniel Fignolé's a great the abuses of the state despite the and stubborn refusal to accept courage The result of these efforts can be found in harsh repression he received. of 1946 held for Jacques Roumain, the high regard the revolutionary youth the period. of Fignolé and MOP throughout and the unceasing popularity 190 Conclusion --- Page 206 --- radicals of the forties and fifties Through their influence over other groups, for future protests against the state. provided an example the inherent weaknesses of the The activities of radicals also exposed of visible outcome of the occupation was the reaffirmation state. The most elite that claimed legitimacy based on the power of the traditional political the Haitian bourgeoisie Under Vincent and especially Lescot, superiority. of domination since the tumn-ofthe-century. experienced its greatest period and middle class sectors, through radical The radical vanguard from the elite for bringing the contrastrikes, and protests, was chiefly responsible organs, the surface. The bourgeois nationalism championed dictions of elite rule to of Over the course Vincent faltered following the urban protests 1937-38. by state had to adopt an increasof the next two decades, the postoccupation of political dissistance in order to combat the expansion ingly repressive from 1934 to 1957, in spite of their indence. That all the governments end in the wake of political crises creasingly repressive styles, reached an influence of radicalism as to and popular unrest owes as much to the spirited aspirants. In the end, it was only through the provocations of presidential state terror that these movements were silenced. during these years indication of the significance of radicalism A further culture. This was a result of was its direct role in changing the political the of radical ideas from the militant elite to incorporate the expansion classes in Port-au-Prince. These and the popular radical youth, professionals, discourse, became an important part of groups, once excluded from political much of this expansion derived the movements of the forties. To be sure, economic and economic conditions in the country. Cyclical from social worsened social condicrises, typical of a poor and unstable export economy, of relative while experiencing brief periods tions. The Haitian economy, The negative results were high success, made only marginal improvements. low standard rapid urbanization, and a desperately rates of unemployment, tensions between civil society and the of living, Such factors aggravated administrations to address these state. The failure of all the postoccupation contributed to the influence of the opposition. problems of limiting black inclusion in the government The Lescot regime's policy allowed the protests of the and its emphasis on foreign capital penetration The ideological to be framed in terms that went beyond politics. period and race consciousness, antifoundations of the radical movements-color powerful weapnationalism-became elitism, Marxism, and revolutionary This appeal did not end ons in the protest against the Lescot presidency. of the late forties, while The noiristes with the rise of a black government. Conclusion 191 contributed to the influence of the opposition. problems of limiting black inclusion in the government The Lescot regime's policy allowed the protests of the and its emphasis on foreign capital penetration The ideological to be framed in terms that went beyond politics. period and race consciousness, antifoundations of the radical movements-color powerful weapnationalism-became elitism, Marxism, and revolutionary This appeal did not end ons in the protest against the Lescot presidency. of the late forties, while The noiristes with the rise of a black government. Conclusion 191 --- Page 207 --- institutions, met the same fate as their promising to build new political predecessors. also to the creation of a culture of The efforts of the radicals were integral in music and reflected in the expressions of black consciousness resistance social contradictions in Haiti broadthe arts. This cultural protest against authentic Haitian of black radicalism. An emphasis on an ened the appeal of Kreyôl and vodou, was an important culture, which included recognition and, to a much lesser extent, the of the radical discourse of the noiristes The part romanticized view of peasant culture. Marxists. Much of this drew on a claims to for example, were often self-serving attitudes of the noiristes, challenge the domilegitimacy. Still, they were able to effectively political control off the ruling elite, and complemented nant francophilia and political classes. of radical political ideas among the popular the exposure labor movement in Similarly, the emergence of a small yet significant classes. degree of influence among the popular 1946 allowed radicals a large and labor unions in the mid-forties when political meetings The brief period with the laboring classes. For some facilitated greater contact were legalized in allowing the party to exert its such as MOP, this proved key groups small victories for workers. influence and to score of radicalof the impact postoccupation Perhaps the greatest testimony movement that influence on the years. The popular ism is its post-Duvalier bore striking resemblance Duvalier in February 1986 overthrew Jean-Claude nationwide that toppled the earlier. The protests to similar events forty years that Duvalierist state grew among a militant opposition once monolithic elite radicals and the popular classes. galvanized support from the radicals of the postoccupation In the immediate aftermath, it was to Daniel Fignolé classes looked for guidance. An ailing era that the popular with scores of excited welcome in Haiti in March 1986 returned to a hero's His death a few months later awaiting his arrival at the airport. Other supporters of him returning to the seat of power. dashed many of their hopes and achieved some success in militants of the fifties also returned to Haiti One promithe labor movement and developing opposition parties. reviving a former was Jean Dominique, nent voice of the post-Duvalier opposition the of the PSP, who used radio to inform popular member of the youth arm regimes. The outpouring of classes of the machinations ofthe post-Duvalier bears witness to the attention over his assassination in 2000 international wider influence of postoccupation radicals. conscious influence has extended to a new generation of politically This Haitian popular culture we find and militant movements. In contemporary 192 Conclusion movement and developing opposition parties. reviving a former was Jean Dominique, nent voice of the post-Duvalier opposition the of the PSP, who used radio to inform popular member of the youth arm regimes. The outpouring of classes of the machinations ofthe post-Duvalier bears witness to the attention over his assassination in 2000 international wider influence of postoccupation radicals. conscious influence has extended to a new generation of politically This Haitian popular culture we find and militant movements. In contemporary 192 Conclusion --- Page 208 --- incarnations. The emergence of the rasin (roots) some of the more obvious with its conscious movement in Haitian music in the post-Duvalier years, the black conof vodou chants and motifs, harkens back to appropriation of the forties. Groups such as Boukman Eksperyans sciousness movements culture in ways that recall their vodou-djazz and RAM celebrate indigenous forebears. Aristide and the In the rise of popular leaders such as Jean-Bertrand and the enduring Lavalas movement, we find shades of Fignolisme powerful between Fignolé and Aristide symbolism of the woulo. Indeed, comparisons While there are found in discussions of contemporary Haitian politics. are both men have notable differobvious similarities in their popular appeal, the outside the capital was something ences. Aristide's massive support Nonetheless, the roots of Arisurban leader Fignolé was unable to achieve. mobilization can be popular appeal, and tide's use of political symbolism, traced to Fignolé. that Haitian radicalism despite its In several ways, then, we may conclude the politics of the played a leading role in influencing many shortcomings focusing on its limitations and failpostoccupation period and beyond. By This general view in historians have underappreciated its significance. ures, on color divisions in Haitian the literature stems from an overemphasis color has always As this book has shown, the question politics and society. Haiti. Yet color conflicts were but one of been central to political relations in informed prothat radicals and political of concerns guided a multiplicity anti-imperialism, and competitest. Issues of class, a struggle for democracy, tion for state control were quite often equally pronounced. for change ofl fHaitian radicals refracted on broader pressures The concerns black activists saw the African Diaspora. From Senegal to Selma, within legacies of imperialism and themselves as part of a global battle against activists looked to Haiti during their own struggles colonialism. U.S. black within the orbit of African Diasfor civil rights and placed Haiti firmly the between 1937 Von Eschen has argued that in period pora politics. Penny politics" that "linked and 1957, U.S. blacks developed an "internationalist P4 and perwith Africa and the Caribbean. Organizations African-Americans in New York that in the United States, such as the small group sonalities release of Roumain" in the early formed the "Committee for the Jacques with Walter White, and the NAACP, found solidarity thirties, Rayford Logan, were unable to make sense of Haitian political actors even if, at times, they Haiti's perplexing politics. Haiti can be the experience of radicalism in postoccupation Similarly, Conclusion 193 4 and perwith Africa and the Caribbean. Organizations African-Americans in New York that in the United States, such as the small group sonalities release of Roumain" in the early formed the "Committee for the Jacques with Walter White, and the NAACP, found solidarity thirties, Rayford Logan, were unable to make sense of Haitian political actors even if, at times, they Haiti's perplexing politics. Haiti can be the experience of radicalism in postoccupation Similarly, Conclusion 193 --- Page 209 --- of resistance in the modern Caribbean. Although seen as part of a pattern Cuban politics followed a the conditions and scale were quite different, between the fall of to the Haitian experience in the period similar trajectory of and the victory of Fidel Castro in the Machadato in the revolution 1933 radicalism Caribbean, the height of political 1959.5 For the Anglophone thirties and forties, labor upheavals arrived the following decade. During the the British against British imperialism swept across and an anticolonial fight resulted in the granting Caribbean. The real gains of these movements both of which in the sixties. In Trinidad and Jamaica, of self-government from the early sixties to the early gained independence in 1962, the period for radical change in seventies was characterized by a pronounced struggle colonial authorishift in political power from the the face of a gradual issues of color, race, antielite. In these postcolonial states, ties to a local figured prominently in the imperialism, heritage, and clas-consciousness and Marxists. Alclashes between charismatic black nationalists political follow a Haitian model, the Anglophile radicals did not explicitly though them evolved in ways that closely resembled the contest for power among Haitian experience." of radicalism in Haiti from 1934 to In this sense, the political experience foreshadowed of historical struggles and tensions, 1957, with its expansion and may therefore be regarded as elsewhere in the Caribbean developments in the history of Caribbean resistance. an important chapter Conclusion the astute visitor notices upon entering Haiti's One of the first things of displays on the twin Panthéon in Port-au-Prince is the absence any Musée Duvalier. Amid the rich collection regimes of François and Jean-Claude there is artifacts and relics of Haiti's impressive past, of pre-Columbian three decades. This absence is noted in scarcely a hint of an era that lasted emblazoned on schools, at large. The Duvalier name, once the country is today nowhere the national airport, and the national currency, hospitals, red colors have long returned to the national flag to be found. The blue and most people do not care to and the Duvalierist black and red is now an image erased the else, dechoukaj in 1986 successfully remember. If in nothing of the harsh years of Duvalierism. physical memory involves a further separation from the preBut that process of forgetting dims in the collective memory Duvalier past. As the years advance, this past between earlier era of red and black, defined by a struggle of the nation. An 194 Conclusion returned to the national flag to be found. The blue and most people do not care to and the Duvalierist black and red is now an image erased the else, dechoukaj in 1986 successfully remember. If in nothing of the harsh years of Duvalierism. physical memory involves a further separation from the preBut that process of forgetting dims in the collective memory Duvalier past. As the years advance, this past between earlier era of red and black, defined by a struggle of the nation. An 194 Conclusion --- Page 210 --- Marxists and noiristes, milat and black, and state and civil society, remains distant for Haitians in the twenty-first century confronting interminable obstacles to political stability. Considered in the midst of the political chaos that followed the end of Duvalierism and the fall of Aristide in 2004, the postoccupation period becomes at best a missed opportunity, and at worst a complete failure. Yet the positive legacies of the era continue to resound in many ways. The resistance to color and class prejudice, an emphasis on grassroots political organization, and the enduring fight for the realization of true democracyin Haiti are rooted in the indefatigable efforts of the men and women who refused to accept the legacies of foreign occupation. It is true that the power struggles of the period inflicted deep scars on the nation. But the clamor for radical change in the face of escalating repression, a legacy of the era, has served to invigorate post-Duvalier Haiti. In the end, the postoccupation period should be remembered for what it was: a defining moment in the long history of the Caribbean and Latin America's first independent nation. Conclusion 195 --- Page 211 --- This page intentionally left blank --- Page 212 --- NOTES Abbreviations The following abbreviations are used throughout the notes. ANH Archives Nationales d'Haiti, Port-au-Prince BHFIC Bibliothèque Haitienne des Frères de L'Instruction Chrétienne, Portau-Prince BHPSE Bibliothèque Haitienne des Pères du Saint-Esprit, Port-au-Prince DDEL Dwight D. Eisenhower Library and Museum, Abilene, Kansas FDRL Franklin D. Roosevelt Library and Museum, Hyde Park, New York FRUS United States Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1941-1957 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1962- -87). HSTL Harry S. Truman Library and Museum, Independence, Missouri LC Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington, D.C. MAE Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Archives Diplomatiques, Quai D'Orsay, Paris MSRC Moorland-Spingarn Research Center, Howard University, Washington, D.C. NAACP Papers National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Papers NSC Papers National Security Council Papers OF Official File POF President's Official File PPF President's Personal File PSF President's Secretary's File RG Record Group RU Special Collections and University Archives, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, N.J. SCRBC Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, New York Public Library, New York UF Special Collections, University of Florida, Gainesville USNA U.S. National Archives II, College Park, Maryland WHCF White House Central File Introduction 1. Le Nouvelliste, 3 January 1934. 2. There are some notable exceptions. In particular, Michel Hector's pioneering study, --- Page 213 --- and the collection of period documents and interviews Syndicalisme et socialisme en Haiti, in Trente ans and Pouvoir noir. Heinl and Heinl, Written in See, for example, Rotberg, Haiti: The Politics ofSqualor; The 3Haiti: The Breached Citadel. USNA U.S. National Archives II, College Park, Maryland WHCF White House Central File Introduction 1. Le Nouvelliste, 3 January 1934. 2. There are some notable exceptions. In particular, Michel Hector's pioneering study, --- Page 213 --- and the collection of period documents and interviews Syndicalisme et socialisme en Haiti, in Trente ans and Pouvoir noir. Heinl and Heinl, Written in See, for example, Rotberg, Haiti: The Politics ofSqualor; The 3Haiti: The Breached Citadel. A glance at Laguerre, Blood; and Bellegarde- Smith, reveals the dearth in studies Haitiana, and Lawless, Haiti: A Research Handbook, Complete of the postoccupation period. Lewis, Main Currents in Caribbean Thought, 317. and 4. of Arab-Haitians see Plummer, "Race, Nationality, 5. On popular perceptions Trade." to "mulatto" or "mulâtre" in 6. In this book I use the Kreyôl term "milat" as opposed to a light-skinned Haitian elite, in an attempt provide reference to the predominantly that compose the elite. The comdefinition of the various social groups more inclusive which refers to someone of mixed white and black mon usage of "mulatto," or "mulatre, where there exist several categories is often misapplied in the Haitian case marabou, ancestry, griffe, grimelle, grimault, brun, (for example, ascribed to light-skinned people between color, class, and culture in Haiti clair). Moreover, there is a strong correlation different are perceived. on the way people of phenotypes that impacts significantly in Haiti acknowledges phenotype but Reference to a light-skinned person as "mulatto" however, the term milat contains refer to social status. In Kreyol, does not necessarily by the oft-cited Kreyôl quote credited reference to class and not just color, as exemplified "Neg rich se milat, milat pov se army leader Jean-Jacques Acau, to ninetenth-century milat is a black). Considering these differences, neg" (the rich black is a milat, the poor definition of someone who is both lightmilat, though imperfect, is a more encompassing milat is used by Daniels in skinned and of a certain social class. For similar reasons, "mulatto" is used only when and Largey, Vodou Nation. The term "Review," 156, 159, quoting directly from the sources. color, and class in Haiti is well between social status, 7. The historical relationship Trouillot's provocative discustreated in Labelle, Idéologie de couleur, and Michel-Rolph Haiti." brief, Manigat's "Culture, Color, and Politics in Though sion on these issues, comments on the uses of Ethnicité, nationalisme, et politique contains some insightful On the racial ideologies of Haitian history since the nineteenth century. color in political Main Currents in Caribbean Thought, Liberal Party, see Lewis, the nineteenth-century 261-64. thinkers see Dash, "Blazing 8. For more on the ideologies of the nineteenth-century For an examination of nonMirrors," and Bellegarde- Smith, "Haitian Social Thought." After Slavery. during the nineteenth century, see Sheller, Democracy elite political activity thesis drew heavily on John Lobb, "Caste 9. Leyburn, The Haitian People. Leyburn's Haitian scholars of the forties. and Class in Haiti." It also sparked a major debate among See the critique by Jean Price-Mars, "Classe ou caste?" 10. Leyburn, The Haitian People, 4. 8. For more on the ideologies of the nineteenth-century For an examination of nonMirrors," and Bellegarde- Smith, "Haitian Social Thought." After Slavery. during the nineteenth century, see Sheller, Democracy elite political activity thesis drew heavily on John Lobb, "Caste 9. Leyburn, The Haitian People. Leyburn's Haitian scholars of the forties. and Class in Haiti." It also sparked a major debate among See the critique by Jean Price-Mars, "Classe ou caste?" 10. Leyburn, The Haitian People, 4. 11. Ibid., 101. xliii. 12. Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, "Economies of Colour," and For further critique of Nicholls's thesis, see Lundahl, Smith, 13- "From Dessalines to Duvalier Revisited." "Culture, Color, and Politics in Haiti," 154- - 55. 14. Trouillot, 198 Notes to Pages 2-6 --- Page 214 --- Trouillot, Haiti: State against Nation, 110. 15. the best work on peasant resistance during the occupa16. Haitian scholars have done multivolume study Les Blancs débarquent tion. See, for example, Roger Gaillard's seminal Charlemagne Péralte. and Georges Michel's monograph Corvington, Port-au-Prince au cours des ans, 5:235. "Jeux de 17. of these writers see Trouillot, 18. On the background of the more prominent mots, jeux de class." Price-Mars in So Spoke the Uncle, 719. 20. Ibid., 218. 21. Fowler, A Knot in the Thread, 59. Fletcher, "Quo Vadis Haiti?," 541. 22. See the account of one of the commissioners, "Black and White in the CaribThese events are covered in detail in Plummer, on the 23. Damien see Savaille, La grève de 29. The details bean," 663-73- On the strike at Commission. " See also Logan, "InterForbes Commission are analyzed in Shannon, "U.S. 29-31. 36-38, and Péan, "Unité et conjoncture," national Status of the Negro," 24. Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, 166. entire issue to Vincent, the in 1936 the journal La Relève devoted an 25. For example, See La Relève, March - May 1936. "Second Liberator" of Haiti. Chapter 1 1. Gunther, "Hispaniola," 776. nationalism and Bolshevism in the United confusion between radical black 2. On the resembles the discussion here, see States during the twenties, a situation that closely chap. 5, 284Red," and James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia, Kornweibel, "Seeing 86. American Commissioner, 18 FebruCommandant of the Garde d'Haiti to the High 3. M-1246, roll 1. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/1830, ary 1930, See also Péan, "Unité et conjoncture," 32-334- Fowler, A Knot in the Thread, 303. 5. Fowler, A Knot in the Thread, 1. Thread, 6-12. in Fowler, A Knot in the 6. Based on information in Haiti Journal, 4 Roumain to Tristan Rémy, n.d. [ca. 1932), reprinted 7. Jacques later was to provide Rémy The purpose of this letter, as Roumain explained, January 1933French edition of his novel La Montagne with biographical information for a proposed him. See the article "Une Haitian authorities, however, later used it against is ensorcelée. The substance of the letter Haiti Journal, 6 January 1933Lettre de Jacques Roumain," discussed in Fowler, A Knot in the Thread, 140-41. Information on Christian Beaulieu's "Note d'introduction," 279-81. 8. Rey-Charlier, instrumental member of the communist background is sparse. Apart from being an of Kreyôl in Haiti, developing a Beaulieu was also a pioneer in the teaching movement, involved instruction in the native language, an initiation program against illiteracy that indication of his political life from the that would take decades to be realized. Some in Hector, Syndicalisme et SOtwenties and contribution to public education is given cialisme en Haiti, 31. 9. Fowler, A Knot in the Thread, 142. Notes to Pages 6-16 199 Charlier, instrumental member of the communist background is sparse. Apart from being an of Kreyôl in Haiti, developing a Beaulieu was also a pioneer in the teaching movement, involved instruction in the native language, an initiation program against illiteracy that indication of his political life from the that would take decades to be realized. Some in Hector, Syndicalisme et SOtwenties and contribution to public education is given cialisme en Haiti, 31. 9. Fowler, A Knot in the Thread, 142. Notes to Pages 6-16 199 --- Page 215 --- 10. Ibid., 143. with Sténio Vincent Re- Communists in Haiti," 11. "Memorandum of Conversation January 1932, Port-au-Prince, Norman Armour to Secretary of State, 13 enclosure to M-1246, roll 6. USNA, RG 59,838.00B/12, "Communist Activities in Haiti," 6 January 12. Norman Armour to Secretary of State, M-1246, roll 2. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/11, 1933, Manigat, and Dominique, Haiti, 82. 13. Auguste, of State, "Communist Activities in Haiti," 6 January 14. Norman Armour to Secretary M-1246, roll 6; Fowler, A Knot in the Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/11, 1933, Hector, Syndicalisme et socialisme, 182. Thread, 144; "Communist Activities in Haiti," 6 January Norman Armour to Secretary of State, 15. USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/11, M-1246, roll 6. 1933, Port-au-Prince, 1933; Le Nouvelliste, 2 January 1933; 16. See for example, L'Action National, 5 January International Labor Defense," enHaiti-Journal, 6 January 1933; "Press Statement of New York, USNA, RG Armour to Secretary of State, 3 January 1933, closure to Norman M-1246, roll 6. 59, 838.00B/12, du "Temps, in Le Nouvelliste, 17.See "Une Lettre de Max Hudicourt au Directeur June 193318. Haiti Journal, 6 January 1933- Fowler, A Knot in the Thread, 147. 19. Le Nouvelliste, 12 February 1933; Combat, 6 February 1946. "Note d'introduction; 280; of 20. Rey-Charlier, movement formed in the summer 21. The PCH was the most important progressive also organized in 1934, forming the 1934 but not the only one. The womens' movement from the elite. The Ligue had its Feminin d'Action Sociale, led mainly by women of child labor Ligue and for female suffrage, the repeal own journal, Voix des Femmes, protested activities of the Ligue, see the articles in laws, and education reform. On the early Framing Silence, 38, and and 29 March 1935. See also Chancy, L'Assaut, 12, 15, 19, April Seza, "Koudèy sou istwa." 13 Fowler, A Knot in the Thread, 150. 22. Manifeste de la Réaction Démocratique; "L'Analyse schématique 32-34," 1934, Comité Central du Parti Communiste, 23. typescript, BHFIC. 24. Ibid., 33-34. 25. Ibid., 35. 26. Ibid. 27. Ibid., 35. 28. Ibid., 36. 29. Ibid. 30. Fowler, A Knot in the Thread, 155. schématique was not a secret broRoumain in his defense argued that L'Analyse 31. of Interior as stipulated by chure and had in fact been made available to the Department Le Nouvelliste, 16, 20, and details on the trial see Haiti Journal, 16 October 1934; law. For Manigat, and Dominique, Haiti, 89October 1934; Roumain, "Haiti," 14; Auguste the Thread, de Roumain, 102; Fowler, A Knot in Trouillot, Dimensions et limites Jacques 91; 153-56. 200 Notes to Pages 16 -21 Analyse 31. of Interior as stipulated by chure and had in fact been made available to the Department Le Nouvelliste, 16, 20, and details on the trial see Haiti Journal, 16 October 1934; law. For Manigat, and Dominique, Haiti, 89October 1934; Roumain, "Haiti," 14; Auguste the Thread, de Roumain, 102; Fowler, A Knot in Trouillot, Dimensions et limites Jacques 91; 153-56. 200 Notes to Pages 16 -21 --- Page 216 --- of State of the Interior and his Bureau, 6 December 1934, 32. [Illegible] to Secretary Ministère de la Justice, folder 1272, ANH. Port-au-Prince, Corréspondencel March 1933, Mexico City, USNA, RG Robert Cummings to Secretary of State, 24 3359, 838.00/3124, M-1246, roll 3October 1934, Port-au-Prince, USNA, Stanley Woodward to Secretary of State, 12 34. M-1246 roll 6; Fowler, A Knot in the Thread, 156. RG 59, 838.00B/17. 35. Haiti Journal, 16 October 1934. of the Interior, 11 January 1935, Port-au-Prince, to Secretary of the State 36. (Illegible] Ministère de la Justice, folder 1272, ANH. Corréspondence See, for example, Opportunity 12 (October 1934):3-4 37. Port-au-Prince, British Documents on Foreign 38. F. N. Shepherd to Eden, 23 June 1936, democratic, declared that he 1936, 340. In 1936 Vincent, in an effort to appear thus Affairs, if there was popular support. The government would serve a second term only described the "travesty" of Haiti's first referendum. The U.S. minister installed a popular this way: "The whole day is a holiday. experience with voting since the occupation booths in camions wholesale by the and brought to the polling Voters are rounded up is made to explain to them what unofficial electoral managers. In most cases no attempt drinks of clarine [Haitian white for or why, but they are handed free they are voting Ballots printed 'yes' and 'no' on rum]. in recompense for their electoral patriotism. of the booths there were no 'no' different colored slips are used in the voting. At most handed his ballot When the peasant comes up to the booth he is merely ballots to be had. receives his clarin. The camions full of electors which he then stuffs in the box, and then double votes." See Gordon to frequently stop at more than one polling booth and cast roll 5. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/-M-1246, Department of State, 16 May1936, over in the Haitian press that also The death of the popular Jolibois fils was glossed that he 39. of his funeral. There was, however, great speculation gave virtually no reportage U.S. reasoned that the in on orders of fthe president. representatives was murdered prison sanitation in the national prison may have contribconditions of forced labor and poor Gordon to Secretary of State, 17 June and hastened his early death. uted to his instability roll 5. On his political activities and influence 1936, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3346, M-1246, "Solidarité et luttes politiques en Haiti." on the small urban working class, see Hector, 40. Roumain, "Haiti," 14 -15. 41. Combat, 6 February 1946. du mouvement syndicale en Haiti, 11. 42. Doubout and Joly, Notes sur le développement drivers strike in Le Nouvelliste, 22 for the description of a bus 43. See, example, L'Assaut, 25 March 1935. September 1936, and for an earlier association, 1936; Le Moniteur, 23 November 26 November and 2 December 44- Le Nouvelliste, 1936. in La Rèleve 6 (December 1936): 32. 41. Combat, 6 February 1946. du mouvement syndicale en Haiti, 11. 42. Doubout and Joly, Notes sur le développement drivers strike in Le Nouvelliste, 22 for the description of a bus 43. See, example, L'Assaut, 25 March 1935. September 1936, and for an earlier association, 1936; Le Moniteur, 23 November 26 November and 2 December 44- Le Nouvelliste, 1936. in La Rèleve 6 (December 1936): 32. See also Le 45. "LAnticommunisme Haïtien, of State, "Government's efforts November 1936; George Gordon to Secretary Matin, 27 December 1936, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, communism in Haiti," 3 advoto suppress Gordon to Secretary of State, "Dictatorship 838.00/3361, M-1246, roll 5; George Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, combat communism in Haiti," 15 December 1936, cated to 838.00/33621/2LH, M-1246, roll 5. Government's efforts November 1936; George Gordon to Secretary Matin, 27 December 1936, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, communism in Haiti," 3 advoto suppress Gordon to Secretary of State, "Dictatorship 838.00/3361, M-1246, roll 5; George Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, combat communism in Haiti," 15 December 1936, cated to 838.00/33621/2LH, M-1246, roll 5. Notes to Pages 21-22 201 --- Page 217 --- 46. Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, 165. 47. Ibid., 165-66. 168. 48. Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, Oriol, "In Memoriam: Lorimer Denis," 99 9. twenties. On 49. 168. died in his early Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, Diaqoui in 50. tribute to him Le Nouvelliste, influence on his colleagues, see Duvalier's his profound June 1932. in L'Action Nationale, 9 June 1932, reprinted in Gaillard, 51. Carl Brouard, "Les Griots," Le destinée de Carl Brouard, 59. "nouveaux" among Haitian The differences between "anciens" and perspectives 52. in Haiti. See Shepherd to Eden, 24 intellectuals was noted by the British representative British Documents on Foreign Affairs, 1936, 341. June 1936, Port-au-Prince, Trouillot, "Jeux de mots, jeux de class,". 46. de la 531938): 1. See also Carl Brouard, "Doctrine 54. Les Griots (July-September Nouvelle Ecole," " in the same issue. theories is best expressed in his series of 55. Duvalier's interpretation of Gobineau's de celui du blanc?" in Le articles, "En quoi L'État d'âme du noir se différencie-t-il of the influence of December 1935 to 3 January 1936. For a fine analysis Nouvelliste, 30 to Haitian history, see Nicholls, "Biology and Gobineau on the Griots biological approach Politics in Haiti." 56. Les Griots (October-December 1938): 153. 57- Les Griots (July-September 1938): 458. Les Griots (July- September 1939): 3. Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, 116-17; 171. 59. 1939): 3. Emphasis included. 60. Les Griots (July-September 61. Nicholls, "Biology and Politics," 209. 62. Ibid.; Les Griots (July- September 1938): 4. 63. Les Griots (July-September 1939): 3- Vincent," in L'Assaut, 27 February 1935, 64. Carl Brouard, "Hommage au President 166. See also René Piqouin's interalso quoted in Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, the enthusiasm many black view in L'Assaut, 11 March 1935. This is probably due to his first term, and the of inclusion during nationalists shared for Vincent's policies enthusiasm that accompanied the end of the occupation. 65. Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, 170. 66. Nicholls, "Biology and Politics," 210. 172. See also the series This point is noted in Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, 67. Italian invasion in L'Assaut, 11, 12, and 13 March 1935. of articles on the 68. L'Action Nationale, 28 July 1936. Duvalier's early writings scarcely Nicholls, "Ideology and Protest in Haiti," 16-17. mate69. he would frequently argue that address the issue of communism in Haiti, though Haitian situation. For some ofhis relevance to analyses of the rialist theories were oflittle for example, Le Nouvelliste, 15 December comments on communism in the thirties see, communism during the sixties when He would, of course, have much to say against 1942. noiristes and the communists to a violent conclusion. he brought the debate between the Trouillot, Haiti: State against Nation, 132. 70. 202 Notes to Pages 231 -27 he would frequently argue that address the issue of communism in Haiti, though Haitian situation. For some ofhis relevance to analyses of the rialist theories were oflittle for example, Le Nouvelliste, 15 December comments on communism in the thirties see, communism during the sixties when He would, of course, have much to say against 1942. noiristes and the communists to a violent conclusion. he brought the debate between the Trouillot, Haiti: State against Nation, 132. 70. 202 Notes to Pages 231 -27 --- Page 218 --- interview by Robert J. Alexander, 30 August 1949, Port-au71. Dantès Bellegarde, Prince, Alexander Papers, RU. Literature and Ideology, 125. 72. Dantès Bellegarde quoted in Dash, and in Haiti, see Bellegarde, views on race, color, politics 73- For more on Bellegarde's 11-18, 101 - 10, and Bellegarde-Smith, In Dessalines a parlé, 90-97, Haiti et ses problèmes, the Shadow of Powers. La destinée de Carl Brouard, 42- - On Brouard's life during this period, see Gaillard, 74. 50. motivations behind the Good Neighbor Policy see 75- For a discussion of the political Green, Containment of Latin America. Wood, Making of the Good Neighbor Policy, and and Verna, "Haiti's 'Second "Withdrawal from Haiti," 677-79, 76. See Gruening, Independence" has increased substantially over the past two 77- Scholarly interest in the massacre Fiehrer, "Political Violence in the decades. The general narrative is best covered in "Historias de terror y los The Haitian Massacre of 1937"'; Derby and Turits, de MatPeriphery: "Dominican Republic's General Rafael Trujillo"; terrores de la historia' : Malek, Roorda, Dictator Next de and Aquino, Holocaust in the Caribbean. teis, Le Massacre 1937; address the impact and long-term effect of the Door, chap. 5, and "Genocide Next Door," Haiti, vol. 1, chaps. 8-10, offers a relations; Vega, Trujillo y massacre on inter-American The different racial and detailed analysis of the event from a Dominican perspective. frontier zones are exceprelations in the disputed cultural features of Haitian-Dominican and Money" Richard Turits offers a tionally well treated in Derby, "Haitians, Magic, reasons and consequences and discussion of the complicated richly detailed provocative in Turits, Foundations of for the border towns as well as the Trujillato of the massacre The episode is also featured in several Despotism, chap. 5, and "A World Destroyed." soleil and Edwidge Alexis's classic Compère général popular novels such as Jacques Stephen Danticat's Farming of Bones. see Sagâs, Race and Politics in the in the Dominican Republic 78. On anti-Haitianism and Money," especially 510-12; and Turits, Dominican Republic; Derby, "Haitians, Magic, Foundations of Despotism, 146-61. 79. Roorda, Dictator Next Door, 131. Foundations of Despotism, 160. 80. Le Nouvelliste, 17 March 1937; Turits, Dictator Next Door, 130. 81. Derby and Turits, "Historias, 735 Roorda, 13 October 1937, USNA, Norweb to Secretary of State, Ciudad Trujillo, 82. R. Henry of State relating to Political Relations Records of the U.S. Department RG 59, 738.39/36, America and the Caribbean States, 1930-1944. roll 87. between the United States and Latin 11. Lauren Derby makes the Ibid.; Fiehrer, "Political Violence in the Periphery," driven 83. in the border towns was not primarily by important point that anti-Haitianism to safeguard the border in the scholars assume. Dominican attempts racism as most breakdown in legislation on Haitian immigration dating thirties derived from the gradual were cultural, nationalistic, and back to the mid-nineteenth century. These concerns lamented the acceptance economic. Before and after the U.S. occupations, border police the spread of Kreyol as a practices by the Dominican peasantry, of Haitian religious and the circulation of Haitian currency in Santiago second language in the frontier zones, the two countries confounded the and Barahona. Heavy commercial traffic between Notes to Pages 27-30 203 racism as most breakdown in legislation on Haitian immigration dating thirties derived from the gradual were cultural, nationalistic, and back to the mid-nineteenth century. These concerns lamented the acceptance economic. Before and after the U.S. occupations, border police the spread of Kreyol as a practices by the Dominican peasantry, of Haitian religious and the circulation of Haitian currency in Santiago second language in the frontier zones, the two countries confounded the and Barahona. Heavy commercial traffic between Notes to Pages 27-30 203 --- Page 219 --- of Haitian currency and culture. Haitian-l -Dominican difficulty of containing the spread officials (many of whom benefited contraband also presented a problem for Dominican Dominican goods entering the trade) who resented the higher tariffs placed on from while Haitian contraband penetrated the Domintowns on the Haitian side of the border to link state racism with the ican side unchecked. The 1937 policies were thus an attempt concerned with border residents who were gravely popular anxieties of Dominican See Derby, "Haitians, Magic, and Money," preserving nationality and the local economy. 500- 505, 526. of State, 13 October 1937, Ciudad Trujillo, USNA, 84. R. Henry Norweb to Secretary of State relating to Political Relations Records of the U.S. Department RG 59, 738.39/36, America and the Caribbean States, 1930-1944. roll 87. between the United States and Latin 5 May 1937, Ciudad Evremont Carrié to Georges Léger, 3 June 1937, 10 July 1937, 85. Trujillo, Haitian Collection, SCRBC. of Telephone Call from Melville 86. Harold Finley to Secretary of State, "Report Records of the U.S. nine o'clock," 7 October 1937, USNA, RG 59, 738.39/26, Monk, at Relations between the United States and Latin AmerDepartment of State relating to Political ica and the Caribbean States, 1930-1944, roll 87. October Ciudad Trujillo, USNA, 87. R. Henry Norweb to Secretary of State, 11 1937, Relations between the Records of the U.S. Department of State relating to Political 738.39/34. America and the Caribbean States, 1930 - 1944, roll 87. United States and Latin 88. Fiehrer, "Political Violence in the Periphery," 12. Ciudad Trujillo, USNA, Norweb to Secretary of State, 25 October 1937, 89. R. Henry State relating to Political Relations Records of the U.S. Department of RG 59, 738.39/57, America and the Caribbean States, 1930-1944, roll 87. between the United States and Latin of Haitians and Dominicans born 90. It is difficult to state with accuracy the numbers to 8,000. Richard Turits murdered. Early estimates ranged from 2,000 of Haitian parents suggests a figure closer to 15,000. Turits also in his sophisticated analysis of the massacre year in the southern part of slaughter the following makes mention of a brief subsequent the border. See Turits, Foundations of Despotism, chap. 591. Listin Diario, 16 October 1937. October 1937, Ciudad Trujillo, USNA, R. Henry Norweb to Secretary of State, 13 Relations 92. the U.S. Department of State relating to Political RG 59, 738.39/36, Records of and the Caribbean States, 1930-1944, roll 87. between the United States and Latin America USNA, RG 59, 738.39/32, Harold Finley to Secretary of State, 11 October 1937, States 93. to Political Relations between the United Records ofthe U.S. Department of State relating Latin America and the Caribbean States, 1930-1944. roll 87. and of State of the Interior, 12 October Secretary of State of the Exterior, to Secretary 94. 738.39/36, Records of and the Caribbean States, 1930-1944, roll 87. between the United States and Latin America USNA, RG 59, 738.39/32, Harold Finley to Secretary of State, 11 October 1937, States 93. to Political Relations between the United Records ofthe U.S. Department of State relating Latin America and the Caribbean States, 1930-1944. roll 87. and of State of the Interior, 12 October Secretary of State of the Exterior, to Secretary 94. générale Expédiée, folder 88, ANH. 1937, Correspondance Dictator Next Door, 133; Malek, "Dominican Republic's 95. See, for example, Roorda, General Rafael Trujillo," 142. Fiehrer, "Political Violence in the Periphery,"1 14. of 96. du District du Palais National Garde d'Haîti, Interrogation 97- "Quartier Général to Secretary of State, 15 March 1938, Pierre L. Mont Rosier," enclosure to F. Expédiée, folder 88, ANH. 1937, Correspondance Dictator Next Door, 133; Malek, "Dominican Republic's 95. See, for example, Roorda, General Rafael Trujillo," 142. Fiehrer, "Political Violence in the Periphery,"1 14. of 96. du District du Palais National Garde d'Haîti, Interrogation 97- "Quartier Général to Secretary of State, 15 March 1938, Pierre L. Mont Rosier," enclosure to F. Mayer : M-1246, Capt. "Internal Affairs-Haiti, 1930-39." Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/20, roll 6. See also Turits, "A World Destroyed," 622-23. 204 Notes to Pages 30-32 --- Page 220 --- Franklin D. Roosevelt, 12 November 1937, Port-au-Prince, Box 98. Sténio Vincent to 178, Folder, "Haiti," Welles Papers, FDRL. Washington D.C., Box Franklin Roosevelt to Sténio Vincent, 14 November 1937, 99. FDRL; New York Times, 9 November 1937. 178, Folder "Haiti," Welles Papers, attached to Harold Finley to Secretary of 100. See the tract "Vive la Révolution!" October 1937, Port-au-Prince, "Activities of a Revolutionary Party in Haiti," 21 in State, article in L'Assaut, 8oo/-. See also the comments on an anti-Trujillo USNA, RG 84, December 1937, Port-au-Prince, CorresponSecretary of State to Secretary of Justice, 31 dence générale expédiée, folder 32, ANH. "Haitian Psychology following 101. See the report, Harold Finley to Secretary of State, USNA, RG 59, 738.39/58, recent border disputes," 25 October 1937, Port-au-Prince, Relations between the United States Records of the U.S. Department of State relating to Political America and the Caribbean States, 1930-1944. roll 87. and Latin October 1937, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 102. Harold Finley to Secretary of State, 23 84, 8ool-. d' L'Incident," "Camarades," and "Une Déclara103. See the tracts "Bref Historique Collection, BHPSE. tion de la Jeunesse Universitaire," all in Mangonès Universitaire," November 1937, "Une Declaration de la Jeunesse 104- Tract entitled Mangonès Collection, BHPSE. 1937, Box 178, FolderSténio Vincent to Franklin D. Roosevelt, 12 November 105. "Haiti," Welles Papers, FDRL. following recent border 106. Harold Finley to Secretary of State, "Haitian Psychology disputes." " occurred during a time of intense The antigovernment protests in 1937-38 107. caused by widespread economic distress. Followpopular upheaval across the Caribbean mid-thirties, a wave of labor riots small-scale protests in the Lesser Antilles in the in Haiti fit with ing Barbados, and Jamaica by 1938. Although the events erupted in Trinidad, this period, there was apparently little direct the pattern of popular resistance during Haitians have been well aware of connection with the British Caribbean labor riots. may from islands, but the existing sources reveal no inspiration developments in neighboring almost entirely to the popular despondency, them. The protests in Haiti were attributed handling oft the massacre. In fact, up particularlyi in Port-au-Prince, overthe government's had little direct contact with contempountil the end of World War II, Haitian radicals by differences in political British islands. This disconnect may be explained raries in the of language and culture. The strong and histories as well as the surface problems from Haiti's systems in the British colonies was a notable distinction history of democracy Haiti bore many similarities with unstable political history. By contrast, postoccupation political dictatorship, a tumultuous postindependence Cuba, which also experienced U.S. presence. Given this, it is not surpristransition, and an enduring and controversial Hudicourt found greater affinity with ing that Haitian radicals such as Roumain and British Caribbean see Ken Post's than with Jamaican radicals. On the riots in the Cubans Strike the Iron, Bolland's On the March, as well as major studies, Arise Ye Starvelings and Cuba these years, see De La Decolonisation. On developments in during Hart's Towards and Pérez, Cuba Between Reform and Revolution. Fuente, A Nation for All, of Justice, 3 December 1937, Port-au-Prince, 108. Secretary of State to the Secretary Notes to Pages 32-34 205 main and British Caribbean see Ken Post's than with Jamaican radicals. On the riots in the Cubans Strike the Iron, Bolland's On the March, as well as major studies, Arise Ye Starvelings and Cuba these years, see De La Decolonisation. On developments in during Hart's Towards and Pérez, Cuba Between Reform and Revolution. Fuente, A Nation for All, of Justice, 3 December 1937, Port-au-Prince, 108. Secretary of State to the Secretary Notes to Pages 32-34 205 --- Page 221 --- ANH; Meyer to Secretary of State, 31 October 1938, Correspondence générale, folder 32, roll 6. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3431, M-1246, enclosure to F. Mayer See, for example, the tract "Vincent Must be Overthrown," 109. 1938, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3427, to Secretary of State, 24 September in Rigaud, Sténio Vincent. See M-1246, roll 6. General critiques of Vincent are mentioned cited in Verna, "Haiti's 'Second between Lescot and Vincent also the correspondence Independence," > 26. attached to F. Mayer to Secretary 110. See the report of the court martial proceedings M-1246, roll 6. The Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3411, of State, 15 March 1938, members an organizing role in the Communist Party would later claim that played unrest. See Combat, 6 February 1946. 111. Fowler, A Knot in the Thread, 182-85. Garde d'Haiti, "Interrogation of Général du District du Palais National 112. Quartier to Secretary of State, 15 March 1938, Pierre L. Mont Rosier," enclosure to F. Mayer Capt. M-1246, roll 6. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/20, and 13 Decem- "Memorandum of Conversation, de la Rue, Briggs, Chapin," 113. See D.C., USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3386, M-1246, roll 5. ber 1937, Washington, frst black head of the Garde was part of Vincent's 114. Calixte's appointment as the more nationalistic. On the positions to blacks in order to appear policy of giving key Garde d'Haiti, 1915-1934formation and structure of the Garde, see McCrocklin, own account of the and its aftermath, see Calixte's 115. For details of the conspiracy and On Calixte's part in the plot see F. affair, Calvary of a Soldier, especially chaps. 2 3- D.C., USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3326, Mayer to Secretary of State, 19 May 1938, Washington, with Colonel Calixte, attachment to M-1246, roll 5, and "Memorandum of Conversation USNA, RG 84, 8oo/-. F. Mayer to Secretary of State, 1 December 1937, Port-au-Prince, unrest in early 1938, see Faustin For further mention of the plot and general urban UF. 18 January 1938, Crumbie Papers, Box 1, Wirkus to Frank Crumbie, Ambassador is the substance of "Memorandum of 116. Borno's conversation with the December 1937, Washington, D.C., Conversation with de la Rue, Briggs, Chapin," 13 USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3386, M-1246, roll 5. 1 December 1937, Port-au-Prince, unrest in early 1938, see Faustin For further mention of the plot and general urban UF. 18 January 1938, Crumbie Papers, Box 1, Wirkus to Frank Crumbie, Ambassador is the substance of "Memorandum of 116. Borno's conversation with the December 1937, Washington, D.C., Conversation with de la Rue, Briggs, Chapin," 13 USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3386, M-1246, roll 5. the circumstances surrounding a Samuel I. Rosenman, "A Memorandum giving 117. Republic, 1937-1938," Box 36, Rosenman dispute between Haiti and the Dominican "Political Violence in the PeriphFDRL; Roorda, Dictator Next Door, 142; Fiehrer, Haiti Papers, General Rafael Trujillo," 148-49; Logan, ery." 15; Maleck, "Dominican Republic's later filed a counterclaim on and the Dominican Republic, 46. The Dominican government the border. The Haitian damages caused by Haitian bandits on the debt for alleged of less than half of the original figure, evengovernment quietly agreed to a lump sum officials leaving, according to most of which was grafted by tually reduced to $25,000, victim." 9) With little formal international reThomas Fiehrer, "around two cents per attention to the was able to restore his public image as international sistance Trujillo the solution" to the crisis, abated. Roosevelt, who celebrated "peaceful event gradually on a thorough investigation. For coverage in the U.S. press for not insisting was criticized for example, the report of Haitian specialist of the massacre in the United States, see, Harold Courlander, "Not in the Cables." Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 118. F. Mayer to Secretary of State, 19 March 1938, 206 Notes to Pages 34- -36 --- Page 222 --- of State, 11 February 1938, Port-au-Prince, 838.00/3409. and F. Mayer to Secretary M-1246, roll 6. USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3403, 119. Delince, Armée et politique en Haiti, 86. of State, 22 December December 1938; F. Mayer to Secretary 120. Haiti Journal, 20 M-1246, roll 6. See also Heinl and Heinl, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/-, 1938, Written in Blood, 503to Secretary of State, 1 November 1938, 121. Le Nouvelliste, 1 November 1938; F. Mayer Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3430, M-1246, roll 6. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, to Secretary of State, 3 November 1938, 122. F. Mayer 838.00/3433, M-1246, roll 6. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/ 123- J. P. Audain to L. Duggan, 19 April 1939, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, J. P. Audain to L. Duggan, 4 December 1939, 3479; 838.00/3506, M-1246, roll 6. New York, Box 178, FolderWalter White to Cordell Hull, 22 December 1937, 124. "Haiti," Welles Papers, FDRL. Cordell Hull, 6 January 1939, New York, See the letters attached to C. Weiss to 125. 838.00/3442, M-1246, roll 6. USNA, RG 59, 1938, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 126. December 1939, 3479; 838.00/3506, M-1246, roll 6. New York, Box 178, FolderWalter White to Cordell Hull, 22 December 1937, 124. "Haiti," Welles Papers, FDRL. Cordell Hull, 6 January 1939, New York, See the letters attached to C. Weiss to 125. 838.00/3442, M-1246, roll 6. USNA, RG 59, 1938, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 126. F. Mayer to Secretary of State, 1 November Hull to F. Mayer, 1 November 1938, M-1246, roll 6; See also Hull's reply, C. 838.00/3430, M-1246, roll 6. Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3430, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, F. Mayer to Secretary of State, 1 November 1938, 127. 838.00/3430, M-1246, roll 6. Chapter 2 son, sketch on Lescot is based on information from the president's 1. This biographical Laboule, Haiti; Le Matin, 10 April 1941; Roger Lescot, interview by author, 16 June 2003, The Politics of Squalor, 168; Alfred Heinl and Heinl, Written in Blood, 507; Rotberg, Haiti: Lescot, Avant l'oubli, 1 -2 and Les présidents Lescot et Trujillo, 19-25; Nemours's panegyric overleaf; Paquin, Haitians, 81-84. with Élie Lescot," 19 October of Conversation 2. Sumner Welles, "Memorandum 1940, Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3540. factor that raised concern in the U.S. The advocacy of a black president was also a to their 3support of a candidate more favorable State Department, which privileged "Naval Report," 6 April 1941, For a discussion of this, see Intelligence wartime program. himself favored Duval early in the Havana, USNA, RG 165, Box 1578. Vincent candidate" apparently for the presidency. Edward J. campaign referring to him as "the most likely USNA, RG 59.738.00/3526. Sparks to Secretary of State, 13 January 1941, Port-au-Prince, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, J. C. White to Secretary of State, 12 April 1941, 4. 838.00/3594- taken from Le Matin, 9 April 1941. 5- Quotations Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 6. J. C. White to Secretary of State, 12 April 1941, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG White to Secretary of State, 8 April 1941, candidates were 838.00/3594:1.C. of state that since other 838.00/3587. White advised the secretary an 59, the non-election of Lescot might produce "presumably tainted with Axis affiliations Notes to Pages 36-42 207 --- Page 223 --- On Vincent's moves to remain in power, see unfortunate impression in Washington." Edward J. Sparks to Secretary Radicale, 26 February, 25 March, and 8 April 1941; L'Action USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3561; Heinl and Heinl, of State, 31 January 1941, Port-au-Prince, J. C. White to Secretary of State, 10 April Written in Blood, 506; Le Matin, 13 April 1941; 1941, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3590. USNA, RG 59, C. White to Secretary of State, 29 March 1941, Port-au-Prince, 7-J. 838.00/3581. 1941, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 8. Edward J. Sparks to State Department, 31 January Washington, D.C., USNA, Harold Finley to R. State, 10 April Written in Blood, 506; Le Matin, 13 April 1941; 1941, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3590. USNA, RG 59, C. White to Secretary of State, 29 March 1941, Port-au-Prince, 7-J. 838.00/3581. 1941, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 8. Edward J. Sparks to State Department, 31 January Washington, D.C., USNA, Harold Finley to R. Bonsal, 19 February 1941, 59,838.00/3561; Plummer, Haiti and the United States, 143. 11. In RG 59, 838.00/3569: election in Hudicourt, Haiti Faces Tomorrow's Peace, 9. See the description of the for Lescot. See J. C. White to an elector wrote a short poem of endorsement and Le one instance, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3618, Secretary of State, 16 April 1941, Matin, 16 April 1941. in Haiti: Inside Story of White Cabinet Rule," 10. See the article "White is Right Chicago Defender, 19 January 1946. Confidential Report, RGS 59, 838.415/20. 11. Le Matin, 24 May 1943; U.S. Naval Attaché, 12. Le Nouvelliste, 25 May 1944. Trouillot, "Culture, Color, and Politics," 161. Port-au13. d'Affaires ad interim, 13 December 1941, 14. Élie Lescot to American Chargé 1942, PPF, Box 162, FDRL. Prince, and Sumner Welles to Franklin Roosevelt, 3 January War Refugee Board Élie Lescot to Vinton Chapin, 30 March 1944, Port-au-Prince, Next Door, - 15. Dominican experience see Roorda, Dictator Files, Box 33, FDRL. On the 46, and Turits, Foundations of Despotism, 196-97. 16. Chicago Defender, 19 January 1946. Jérémie, Box 1577, USNA, RG 165. 17. J. R. Taylor to G. Rouzier, 15 March 1943, "Haiti Makes Rubber History"; Haiti and the United States, 145; Fennell, 18. Plummer, Willard F. Barber, "Memorandum of ConverJones, Harley Harris Bartlett Diaries, 156-65; Bressman, and Lescot," 26 April sation with Dennis, Duggan, Bonsal, Finley, Collado, D.C., FRUS, 1941, 6:334. I am 1941, Washington, T. A. Fennell, 7 and 15 November 1939, 28 March 1942. 19. Sumner Welles to me with copies of this correspondence grateful to Thomas Dudley Fennell for supplying documentation that informs my analysis in this section. and other 1943, attachment, "SHADA Cryp20. T. A. Fennell to Atherton Lee, 10 February War Production Board record as of 31 January 1943." tostegia program-Condensed Records, Box 33, FDRL. 1942, PPF, Box 67, FDRL. 21. Élie Lescot to Franklin D. Roosevelt, 19 September 17 n.d., Papers, SCRBC; Élie Lescot, "Lettre au Délégué du Cap Haitien, Dartigue 22. 1943, attachment, "SHADA Cryp20. T. A. Fennell to Atherton Lee, 10 February War Production Board record as of 31 January 1943." tostegia program-Condensed Records, Box 33, FDRL. 1942, PPF, Box 67, FDRL. 21. Élie Lescot to Franklin D. Roosevelt, 19 September 17 n.d., Papers, SCRBC; Élie Lescot, "Lettre au Délégué du Cap Haitien, Dartigue 22. Fennell to Henry Wallace, 27 August 1942, Port-auSee also the attachment to T. A. Prince, POF, FDRL. with U.S. black academic Rayford Logan 23- He expressed as much in a conversation that France was the "greatest enemy of during Logan's April 1942 trip to Haiti. He argued country the greatest and "the United States is the most generous Haiti and the Negro" of economic and social expansion that friend of Haiti." Lescot also outlined a broad plan 208 Notes to Pages 42 -44 --- Page 224 --- in all Haitian schools. See 6 April 1942, Logan Travel included the teaching of English Diaries, Box 9, LC. 24- Le Continental, 2 February 1942. SCRBC. See the collection of A Propos de SHADA in Dartigue Papers, 25. Rotberg, Haiti: The Politics of Squalor, 169; 26. Dupuy, Haiti in the World Economy, 145; Heinl and Heinl, Written in Blood, 511. Port-au-Prince, Dartigue Papers, Maurice Dartigue to T. A. Fennell, 17 April 1943, 27. SCRBC. to T. A. Fennell, 16 February 1943, Port-au-Prince, Dartigue 28. Maurice Dartigue Papers, SCRBC. the cited letter of 16 February 194329. Dartigue's proposal was attached to previously crops such as plantains, that was pursued was the cultivation of subsistence One proposal where the local food economy decreased markedly particularly in the Artibonite valley and anti-U.S. sentiment was highest. See since the introduction of the SHADA project Papers, SCRBC. Food" in A Propos de SHADA, 1 June 1943, Dartigue "SHADA planting Intelligence Division, "Inspection of SHADA 30. Lt. Eddie K. G. Borjesson to Military Haîtien, USNA, RG 59, of the North," 12 June 1943, Cap Activities in the Department with author, 6 July 2006. 838.00/3646; Thomas Dudley Fennell correspondence POF, Box 510, "Memorandum to the President," 10 May 1944, 31. Leo T. Crowley, FDRL; Plummer, Haiti and the United States, 145Port-au-Prince, interview by Robert J. Alexander, 24 August 1949, 32.) J. W. McQueen, Alexander Papers, RU. Port-au-Prince, telegram, FRUS, A. Chapin to Secretary of State, 14 April 1944, 33. 1944, 7:1172-73of State, 28 June 1945, Port-au-Prince, FRUS, 1945, 34. Orme Wilson to Secretary Port-au-Prince, ibid., 1093, and Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, 14 July 1945, "Memorandum of 9:1091; Charles C. Hauch, 20 August 1945, 838.51/8-2045. ibid., 1098-1099; Corliss, Cochran, and Hauch," Conversation with André Liautaud, Nelson A. Rockefeller, 6. August 1945, ibid., 1095-96. accounted for only 5 percent of government 35- By the end of 1945 agriculture Lundahl, Peasants and increase from its 1937 figures. expenditures, a mere 1 percent Poverty, 305. 36. Paquin, Haitians, 85to Miami in late 1945 Brandt outlined Cahiers d'Haiti 4 (April 1945): 18. On a trip See 37. in Haiti in an interview with the Miami Herald. his plan for economic expansion Miami Herald, 10 January 1946. Métreux also refers to a short-lived series of 38. Métreux, Voodoo in Haiti, 338. vodouists that took place in 1913, which skirmishes between Church representatives and amounted to nothing of consequence. 39- Ibid., 339- 9-40. June 1934, Herskovits Diaries, Box 13, 40. See "Haitian Field Trip-Notes," 23 "American Fantasy and Haitian Herskovits Papers, SCRBC. See also Hurbon, folder 66, Vodou," 189. Ramsey, "Without One Ritual Note," 10-14. 41. Notes to Pages 44 -48 209 . vodouists that took place in 1913, which skirmishes between Church representatives and amounted to nothing of consequence. 39- Ibid., 339- 9-40. June 1934, Herskovits Diaries, Box 13, 40. See "Haitian Field Trip-Notes," 23 "American Fantasy and Haitian Herskovits Papers, SCRBC. See also Hurbon, folder 66, Vodou," 189. Ramsey, "Without One Ritual Note," 10-14. 41. Notes to Pages 44 -48 209 --- Page 225 --- referred to houngans (vodou priests) as to Métreux, Catholic clergymen the 42. According as being possessed by slaves of Satan," and their peasant supporters the "principal devil. Métreux, Voodoo in Haiti, 3397 622. This partially explains why in See Comhaire, "The Haitian 'Chef de Section, on 43violent. For a detailed discussion the Marbial region the crusades were particularly Marbial see Métreux, Voodoo in Haiti, the effects of the campaign on the communities in February 1942. See also the report in the regional paper, Sud-Ouest, 9 344 - 51. The exact quote was "Moin promett pour 44. Peters, Lumiére sur le humfort, 55Catholique Romaine, seule m'élever toutt pititt moin yo sans exception, n'en la religion in the Roman (I promise to raise all my children without exception, that religion jesus-christ" Métreux mentions another hymn Catholic religion, the only religion of Jesus Christ). doesn't lead to Heaven' "; is the religion of Satan-It contained the verse, "Protestantlism]i Protestants, far from supporting vodou, held Métreux, Voodoo in Haiti, 351. Ironically, the strong views against fetishism and superstition. Alexander, 22 August 1949, Port-auRamponeau, interview by Robert J. 45. Georges Prince, Alexander Papers, RU. 46. Le Matin, 30 January 1942 and 2 February 1942. Métreux, Voodoo in Haiti, 24 February 1942; L'Élan, 23 February 1942; 47. La Phalange, around the time including possible For a discussion of other rumors that circulated role in 343and the Axis powers and the clergy's property ties with the French Archbishop White to Secretary of State, during the campaign, see J. C. theft in the countryside French Clergy in Haiti," 25 February 1942, Port- "Questionable. Attitude of Certain of the au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/40458. 48. Le Soir, 7 March 1942. Private Collection; Kerr [Military Élie Lescot to Pope Pius XII, 27 February 1942, Ciudad 49. Division, War Department, 6 March 1942, Attaché] to Military Intelligence Trujillo, USNA, RG 59, 838.404/93to Duvalier, 182; Dash, Jacques Stephen See, for example, Nicholls, From Dessalines Trouillot, 50. the United States, 87; Fowler, A Knot in the Thread, 217; Alexis, 10, and Haiti and without evidence that the campaign Haiti: State against Nation, 133; Rémy Bastien argued from land needed for rubber endorsed' by Lescot in an effort to forcibly evict peasants was Courlander, Religion and Politics in Haiti, 45. See planting. See Rémy Bastien and Harold discussion on the event. Greene, Catholic Church in Haiti, 107, for a brief also Anne to Peters, Lumière sur le humfort, 4. David 51. This letter is included in the preface support of the campaign;" in Nicholls cites part of the letter as proof of Lescot's "explicit Yet Nicholls, whose interin "Ideology and Protest," 12. his discussion of the campaign conclusions of others, only cites the first half of pretation appears to have influenced the only the conduct of masses the letter. In the latter part Lescot clearly states he advocates in Kreyol. 10 June 1962, Private Collection. Élie Lescot, "Confidences intimes," typescript, 52. . This letter is included in the preface support of the campaign;" in Nicholls cites part of the letter as proof of Lescot's "explicit Yet Nicholls, whose interin "Ideology and Protest," 12. his discussion of the campaign conclusions of others, only cites the first half of pretation appears to have influenced the only the conduct of masses the letter. In the latter part Lescot clearly states he advocates in Kreyol. 10 June 1962, Private Collection. Élie Lescot, "Confidences intimes," typescript, 52. Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, 182. in 53in Trujillo to Lescot, 1 November 1943, 54. Lescot to Trujillo, 11 April 1940, quoted Laboule, Haiti. Lescot, interview by author, 16 June 2003, PSF, Box 39, FDRL; Roger February 1942, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 55.J J. C. White to Secretary of State, 2, 19 for his view that the church, for See also Lescot's Avant l'oubli, 139-41, 59, 838.404/48. 1 November 1943, 54. Lescot to Trujillo, 11 April 1940, quoted Laboule, Haiti. Lescot, interview by author, 16 June 2003, PSF, Box 39, FDRL; Roger February 1942, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 55.J J. C. White to Secretary of State, 2, 19 for his view that the church, for See also Lescot's Avant l'oubli, 139-41, 59, 838.404/48. 210 Notes to Pages 48-50 --- Page 226 --- just after his election, orchestrated the no other reason but to embarrass his regime campaign. 56. Jones, Harley Harris Bartlett Diaries, 164. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 57.J.C. White to Secretary of State, 25 February 1942, Kulturkampf," 11 March 1942, White to Secretary of State, "The Haitian 838.404/58;).C. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.404/65. March 1942. Some of this writing and the 58. See his articles in Le Nouvelliste, 9, 10, 12 in Fowler, A Knot in Catholic church to Roumain's position are discussed response of the the Thread, 217- 22. Cobb, Harlem, Haiti, and Havana, 7. 59. Fowler, A Knot in the Thread, 211; see Guillén, Prosa de Prisa, 60. For detail on his activities in Cuba during this period 324-25of 1946," Chapter 3, USNA, RG 84. 61. "FBI Secret File on the Republic Haiti-March Washington, D.C., Hoover to Adolphe Berle Jr., 20 September 1944, 62. J. Edgar USNA, RG 59, 838.918/9-2044the Police General, 22 June 1941, Port-au-Prince, 63- Secretary of the Interior to Haitian Collection, MSRC. Police General, 9 June 1941, Port-au-Prince, 64. Secretary of the Interior to the Haitian Collection, MSRC. the Police General, 13 June 1941, Port-au-Prince, 65. Secretary of the Interior to Haitian Collection, MSRC. March 1946," Chapter 3, USNA, RG 84. 66. "FBI Secret File on the Republic ofl Haiti-I Port-au-Prince, Haitian of the Interior to the Police General, 9 July 1941, 67. Secretary Collection, MSRC. Bulletin 25 (October 1941), Mangonès Col68. See, for example, Bureau d'Ethnologie lection, BHPSE. this period was Le Sacrifice du tambour69. One notable work that he wrote during ceremonies, documenting with for which he spent several months visiting vodou in Le assoto, of the main vodou drum. His aforementioned articles great detail the manufacture in form later campaign were published pamphlet Nouvelliste against the anti-superstition Essai d'explication de "Diaand he also wrote a preface to Edris St. Armand's of that year, St. Aude's poetry. For a discussion logues de mes lampes, > an essay on Griot Magloire these writings, see Fowler, A Knot in the Thread, 220-22. See Antoine to to have left for Mexico in late October. Jacques 70. Roumain appears Générale, folder 117, ANH. Carlos M. Pazyl Diaz de Léon, 22 October 1942, Correspondence Dash, Literature and Ideology in Haiti, 141. 71. Interior to the Police General, 13 June 1941, Port-au-Prince, 72. Secretary of the Haitian Collection, MSRC. for admission to the Dominican Republic 73. Hudicourt was refused documentation at the border. Hoover to Dominican legation in Port-au-Prince but was admitted by the D.C., USNA, RG 84, 838.918/9-2044; Legation CiuBerle, 31 August 1944, Washington, 20 September 1941, USNA, RG 59, dad Trujillo to State Department, Santo Domingo, 838.00/3544- "Communist Activities in the Republic of Haiti," 74-J.C. White to Secretary of State, n.d., USNA, RG 84, 838.000B/-. Notes to Pages 50-53 211 legation in Port-au-Prince but was admitted by the D.C., USNA, RG 84, 838.918/9-2044; Legation CiuBerle, 31 August 1944, Washington, 20 September 1941, USNA, RG 59, dad Trujillo to State Department, Santo Domingo, 838.00/3544- "Communist Activities in the Republic of Haiti," 74-J.C. White to Secretary of State, n.d., USNA, RG 84, 838.000B/-. Notes to Pages 50-53 211 --- Page 227 --- 75. Le Matin, 25 March 1941. 76. Max D. Sam, interview by author, 7 May 2001, 77. La Nation, 5 April 1943. Pétionville, Haiti. 78. Max D. Sam, interview by author, 7 May of the paper was an issue of concern for the 2001, Pétionville, Haiti. The circulation the directors closely. See J. State Department and FBI, which monitored Edgar Hoover to Adolphe Berle 1944, Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 84, Jr., "Re: 'La Nation," >93 31 August 79. La Nation, 19 July 1943. The 838.-918/9-2044-. Hoover to Adolphe Berle Jr., "Re: episode was also mentioned at length in 'La Nation," 31 J. Edgar RG. 84, 838.918/9-2044. August 1944, Washington, D.C., USNA, 80. Max Hudicourt to Cordell Hull, n.d. [c. 1943], 838.00/3649. In another letter written while Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, accusatory, claiming that it in exile in New York he was was the State Department that had far more mining influence" over events in the "poor little "considerable and deterHull, 29 May 1944, New York City, country" Max L. Hudicourt to Cordell 81. Le Nouvelliste, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/3651. and 15 April 1944; Hudicourt, Haiti Faces Heinl, Written in Blood, 512. Tomorrow's Peace, 14; Heinl 82. Le Nouvelliste, 12 and 16 May 1944; Hudicourt, Edgar Hoover to Adolphe Berle "Re: Haiti Faces Tomorrow's Peace, Jr., 'La Nation, >>) 15; J. USNA, RG 84, 838.918/9- 2044. 31 August 1944, Washington, D.C., 83. Le Nouvelliste, 20 May 1944;J. Edgar Hoover to 31 August 1944, Washington, D.C., USNA, Adolphe Berle Jr., "Re: 'La Nation, 99 RG 84, 84. Arthur Garfield Hays to Cordell Hull, 838.918/9-2044. 838.90/3654. 13 June 1944, New York City, USNA, RG 59, 85. Hudicourt, Haiti Faces Tomorrow's Peace. 86. Le Nouvelliste, 26 June 1944. It was this assumed its most repressive character. during period that the administration L'Opinion, L'Action Other papers forced to close down Nationale, and La Patrie. Most of the directors of included imprisoned, where two allegedly died from maltreatment. these papers were 87. Trouillot, Dimensions et limites de Jacques 88. Fowler, A Knot in the Thread, Roumain, 121. 225. 89. Beaulieu's death was rumored to be the result was very close to Beaulieu, claims, of political intrigue. Max Sam, who wartime however, that the actual cause of shortages on penicillin, which the death was due to Sam, interview by author, 7 May sickly Beaulieu was unable to obtain. Max D. 2001, Pétionville, Haiti. 90. Cahiers d'Haiti 11 (November 1944). 91. J. Edgar Hoover to A. Berle, 6 September 838/00B/9-2444. 1944, Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 84, 92. Max Sam, who wartime however, that the actual cause of shortages on penicillin, which the death was due to Sam, interview by author, 7 May sickly Beaulieu was unable to obtain. Max D. 2001, Pétionville, Haiti. 90. Cahiers d'Haiti 11 (November 1944). 91. J. Edgar Hoover to A. Berle, 6 September 838/00B/9-2444. 1944, Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 84, 92. Not all shared this sentiment. Roussan meeting in Haiti Journal, 22, 23 August Camille wrote a glowing report of the Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 1944. See also Hoover to Berle, 31 August 84, 838.00B/9-1644. 1944, 93. Although they classified the communist in 1944, the FBI filed intermittent movement as "weak" and "unorganized" Hoover to Berle Jr., 6 reports on the Haitian Marxists. See, for September 1944, Washington, example, Hoover to Berle Jr., 31 August D.C., USNA, RG 84, 1944, Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 84, 838.00B/6-944: 838.00B/31-844: 212 Notes to Pages 53-56 4. 1944, 93. Although they classified the communist in 1944, the FBI filed intermittent movement as "weak" and "unorganized" Hoover to Berle Jr., 6 reports on the Haitian Marxists. See, for September 1944, Washington, example, Hoover to Berle Jr., 31 August D.C., USNA, RG 84, 1944, Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 84, 838.00B/6-944: 838.00B/31-844: 212 Notes to Pages 53-56 --- Page 228 --- Hoover to Berle Jr., 1944, USNA, RG 84, 838.00B/6-944:1 Hoover to Berle Jr., 1 November 10 November 1944, USNA, RG 84, 838.00B/12-1044- "Culture, Color, and Politics in Haiti," 165-66. 94. Trouillot, Dash, Literature and Ideology in Haiti, 1915See Césaire, Cahier d'un retour au pays; 95. 1961, 121. between Haiti and U.S. blacks during the twen96. A strong literature on the links See, for example, Plummer, Rising has been developing in recent years. tieth century reference to the Haitian case in Race against Wind. Peggy Von Eschen draws frequent of the way in and Mary Renda offers a new interpretation Empire, 35-39.105-7.163-69: themes in literature and the arts in Taking Haiti. which U.S. blacks appropriated Haitian the Race," and Pamphile, The theme is also closely studied in Polyné, "Modernizing Haitians and African Americans. in Logan Diaries, LC. Logan was an Rayford Logan diary entry, 4 April 1942, Harvard where 97. and civil rights activist. He studied at important historian, Pan-Africanist, U.S.-Haitian foreign relations, later he completed a dissertation on ninetenth-century United States with Haiti. Logan was an outRelations of the published as The Diplomatic and U.S. hostility toward Haiti. Although spoken critic of the United States occupation of Haitian causes won him the conservative, his support his political views were generally island. On Logan's background, see Kenadmiration of intellectuals and radicals in the biography, Rayford W. Logan. neth Robert Janken's and Dorsinville, "1946 ou le Labelle, "La force opérante," in Pouvoir Noir, 143-45, on color. 98. Attendance at these clubs was by no means contingent délire opportuniste," 46. share the political ideas of noirisme but elite students did not necessarily CorMany young and regularly attended the meetings; were excited by its cultural implications Port-au-Prince au cours des ans, 6:195, 198. vington, 99. Le Matin, 15 September 1942. is today a Tourist Center," in Haiti On early efforts to develop tourism see "Haiti 100. of1936, 66-7. 26 August 1943, Dartigue Papers, SCRBC. 101. DeWitt Peters to Maurice Dartigue, See, for example, Selden extensive literature on the Haitian art movement. There is an Rodman, Miracle of Haitian Art. in Le Matin, 25 Februof reviews from U.S. papers was published 102. A compilation Vodou Nation, and Ramsey, "Without 1942. For more on this period, see also Largey, ary One Ritual Note." interview by author, 23 July 1999, Pélerin, Haiti. Emerante De Pradines Morse, 103See also Averill, Day for the Hunter, 58. Elite interest in the folklore Port-au-Prince au cours des ans, 6:285. 104. Corvington, value as well as its commercial potential. movement derived from both its entertainment became fashionable. Once it of the forties, cultural elements of vodou of In Port-au-Prince folklore could be exploited to the benefit was clear that foreign interest in Haitian noted, Haitian elites and govAs previously Haitian tourism, it was actively supported. by the public image of Haiti abroad officials were both enraged and embarrassed and ernment the dual function of repairing negative stereotypes and saw folklore as serving in chapter 5- This factor also promoting tourism, a point addressed in greater depth before the forties despite never had cross-class support explains why this appreciation Notes to Pages 57-59 213 In Port-au-Prince folklore could be exploited to the benefit was clear that foreign interest in Haitian noted, Haitian elites and govAs previously Haitian tourism, it was actively supported. by the public image of Haiti abroad officials were both enraged and embarrassed and ernment the dual function of repairing negative stereotypes and saw folklore as serving in chapter 5- This factor also promoting tourism, a point addressed in greater depth before the forties despite never had cross-class support explains why this appreciation Notes to Pages 57-59 213 --- Page 229 --- of the elites to vodou in the early forties was Price-Mars's protestations. The awakening White to on the subject in 1942: J.C. significant enough to warrant U.S. Minister towards report Voodoo on the Part of the of State, "Change in Attitude White to Secretary of Expressions of Interest in Intellectual Classes in Haiti as Evidenced by Development 838.404/85. It should also Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, Folklore," 24 September 1942, campaign that urfrom the preceding discussion on the anti-superstition be apparent of ethnic art, clearly between folklore as a national appropriation banites distinguished religion of the peasantry. Elite support and vodou, which they considered the mystical in this regard, is not contradicin the cultural movements of the era, and participation of vodou in certain quarters remained constant. tory. Of course, outright denigration 99 133- For contemporary accounts of the "Haiti and the French Caribbean," 105- Largey, culture in the forties see, for example, Le Courrier, impact of this new music on youth April 1942, and L'Action Radicale, 17 March 1942. 106. Béhague, Music and Black Ethnicity, V. earlier musical protest in Haiti see account of this incident and 107. For a detailed of anti-occupation protest music are given Largey, Vodou Nation, chap. 2. Other examples in Harold Courlander, Haiti Singing. Port-au-Prince. 108. Issa El Saieh, interview by author, 13 July 1999, Taken from Averill, Day for the Hunter, 59. 109. "Haitian Dance Bands," 219. 110. Averill, See also Coulange, "Indigénisme et Musique en 111. Averill, Day for the Hunter, 63Haiti," 59-65. Port-au-Prince au cours des ans, 6:265. 112. Corvington, Widmaier, interview by author, 8 May 2001, Port-au-Prince. 113. Ibid., 150, and Herby 114. Hartt, "Broadcasting in Haiti." Benodin, interview by Robert J. André Cameau, Victor Vabre, and Edouard 115. Port-au-Prince, Alexander Papers, RU. Alexander, 24 June 1948, 24 January 1949, 7 Mangonès Collecde la ville de Port-au-Prince, 116. "Recensement and Poverty, 93, and "Rise and Fall of the Haitian tion, BHPSE. See also Lundahl, Peasants Labour Movement." 1949, "' Mangonès Collec- "Recensement de la ville de Port-au-Prince, 24 January 117. tion, BHPSE. is drawn from Désinor, Daniel Fignolé, 18 - 118. Biographical information on Fignolé interviews with Diederich, Haiti's Bon Papa, chap. 7; La voix du M.O.P.; 19; Auguste, and Haiti Sun, 27) January 1957; Fignolé and Romain, interview Fignolé, Life, 10 June 1957, Port-au-Prince, Alexander Papers, RU; Fignolé, by Robert J. Alexander, 25 June 1948, York City, Alexander Papers, RU; Paul interview by Robert J. Alexander, 5 May1959, New and Rodrigue Casimir, interinterview by author, 5 July 2000, New York City; Laraque, view by author, 14 June 2003, Port-au-Prince. Pouvoir noir en Haiti, 72 -73- "La révolution de 1946,"in 119. Depestre, 120. Chantiers, August 1942. 121. Ibid. 122. Ibid. L'Élan, 17 October 1942, and Chantiers, 24 January 123- Le Réveil, 23 October 1942, 1946. 214 Notes to Pages 60-65 erview by author, 5 July 2000, New York City; Laraque, view by author, 14 June 2003, Port-au-Prince. Pouvoir noir en Haiti, 72 -73- "La révolution de 1946,"in 119. Depestre, 120. Chantiers, August 1942. 121. Ibid. 122. Ibid. L'Élan, 17 October 1942, and Chantiers, 24 January 123- Le Réveil, 23 October 1942, 1946. 214 Notes to Pages 60-65 --- Page 230 --- in Chantiers, 22 January 1946. 124. Le Réveil, 22 October 1943, quoted of urbanites and clever use of political Fignolé's remarkablel hold over the majority allure 125. in modern Haitian political history. His popular symbolism remains unmatched and leadership in modern be regarded as part of a tradition of charismatic populist may culture. Such leaders emerge at times of political Caribbean and Latin American political a faithful following of their to the popular classes, galvanize crisis and, through appeals Bustamante and Michael Manley in Jamaica, supporters. Personalities such as Alexander Eric Gairy in Grenada, and Fidel Uriah "Buzz" Butler and Eric Williams in Trinidad, manipulated within this tradition. All these leaders masterfully Castro in Cuba fit firmly Fignolé, in his writings in symbolism to build mass support and claim legitimacy. of charismatic political likened himself to Juan Peron. The classic study Chantiers, occasionally The Hero and the Crowd. For recent scholarleadership in Caribbean politics is Singham, Charisma. For a comparison of ship on this theme, see the essays in Allahar, Caribbean "Charisme." Haitian political leaders, see Hector, Fignolé and contemporary claims that on occasion in the mid-forties 126. Depestre, "La révolution de 1946," 73, though this seems to Maoist uniform to his classes and at public meetings, Fignolé wore a have been mainly for theatrical effect. 25 January 1946. Le Réveil, 22 October 1943, quoted in Chantiers, 127. 128. Chantiers, 15 June 1946. of the soldiers were untrained peasants. See 129. According to the report, the majority USNA, RG 218. See also Laguerre, "Combat Estimate of Haiti," 24 August 1942, Box 86, and Delince, Armée et politique en Haiti, 45. Military and Society in Haiti, 87, 6. 130. Tèt kole ti peyizan ayisyen, Dosye Chef Section, D.C. interview by author, 22 June 2000, Washington, 131. Robert Bazile, 2000, New York City; Le Matin, 5 July Paul Laraque, interview by author, 5 July 132. 1941. with pay emerged shortly before among members 133- Similar strikes over grievances stationed at the Port-au-Prince harbor. Orme of the Aviation Corps and the artillerymen Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/6-2844Wilson to Secretary of State, 28 June 1944, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, 3 July 1944, State 134. for the revolt were never fully ascertained. The Depart838.00/7-344- The motives of leftists and had quick to assume that the revolt was the brainchild ment was, however, Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, 15 July 1944, Portbeen motivated by Hudicourt. See au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/7-1544of State, "Re: Closure of La Le Matin, 27 June 1944; Orme Wilson to Secretary RG 59, 135in the Garde d'Haiti," 28 June 1944, Port-au-Prince, USNA, Nation: Discontent interview by author, 17 May 2001, Pétionville. ment was, however, Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, 15 July 1944, Portbeen motivated by Hudicourt. See au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/7-1544of State, "Re: Closure of La Le Matin, 27 June 1944; Orme Wilson to Secretary RG 59, 135in the Garde d'Haiti," 28 June 1944, Port-au-Prince, USNA, Nation: Discontent interview by author, 17 May 2001, Pétionville. 838.00/6-2844; Max D. Sam, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, 10 October 1944, 136. 59, 838.00/10-1044October 1944, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 137. Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, 14 POF, FDRL. See the comLescot to Roosevelt, 27 October 1944, For59, 838.00/10-1444; Gérard Lescot, Haitian Secretary of State for ments on the interview between Tomas Hernandez Franco, detailed in eign Affairs, and the Dominican chargé d'affaires, le Président de la République," 19 Gérard Lescot to Élie Lescot, "Notes pour son Excellence if initiated the Collection, UF. me Wilson to Secretary of State, 14 POF, FDRL. See the comLescot to Roosevelt, 27 October 1944, For59, 838.00/10-1444; Gérard Lescot, Haitian Secretary of State for ments on the interview between Tomas Hernandez Franco, detailed in eign Affairs, and the Dominican chargé d'affaires, le Président de la République," 19 Gérard Lescot to Élie Lescot, "Notes pour son Excellence if initiated the Collection, UF. Others argued that even Trujillo 23 October 1943, Haitian Notes to Pages 65-68 215 --- Page 231 --- of fear that the rise in political consciousness could plot, his agents exposed it out of than Lescot. For a discussion even less tolerant Trujillo produce a new president Heinl and Heinl, Written in Hicks, Blood in the Streets, 184 - 86, and of these views, see Blood, 512. quoted in Trujillo to Lescot, 1 November 1943, in 138. Lescot to Trujillo, 11 April 1940, FDRL; Heinl and Heinl, Written in Blood, 512, 514. PSF, Box 39, February 1944, PSF, Box 39, FDRL. See 139. Élie Lescot to Franklin D. Roosevelt, 17 also Roosevelt's reply to Lescot, 4 March 1944. Trouillot, "Culture, Color, and Politics in Haiti," 167. USNA, 140. S. Folsom to Secretary of State, 5 September 1952, Port-au-Prince, 141. Robert RG 59.738.00/9-1952 Chapter 3 to the attraction many high Bordes, Haiti, 246. The low enrollment was attributed 1. service following the reorganization of the military school graduates had to military school in the late thirties. " 137; Cahiers d'Haiti 3, 4 (November "Public Education in Haiti since 1934, 2. Phifer, 1945): 23d'humanité générale." 3- See, for example, Alexis, "Les grand problèmes edition, "Surrealisme et salue Mabille," 35- See also the special 4. Gaillard, "Je vous 1-June 1992), and Dash, "Le Je de l'autre," 90-94. révolte en Haiti," Conjonction 193 (April2001, Paris. Gérald Bloncourt, interview by author, 18 June recital he 5. of Roumain since he met him in 1942 at a poetry 6. Alexis was a follower to Alexis, General Sun, My Brother, X. arranged for Nicolâs Guillén. Coates, introduction Paris. The details on the early Gérald Bloncourt, interview by author, 18 June 2001, 7. and the launch of La Ruche are taken from this interview. activities of the students See also Coates's introduction to Festival of 8. Dash, Literature and Ideology in Haiti, 45. the Greasy Pole, XX. 9. Depestre, Étincelles, 20. 168; Gérald Bloncourt, "Étude thématique et bibliographique; 10. Jean-l Baptiste, interview by author, 18 June 2001, Paris. Bonjour et adieu à la negritude, 21311. Depestre, 12. La Ruche, 19 January 1946. Polizzotti, Revolution of the Mind, 530. 13. Dash, Literature and Ideology in Haiti, 159. 14interview by author, 5 July 2000, New York City. 15. Paul Laraque, 2000, New York City; Raymond Pressoir, 16. Paul Laraque, interview by author, 5July Bonjour et adieu à la négriinterview by author, 17 June 2000, Bethesda, Md.; Depestre, See also Laraque, "André André Breton et Nous," 67. tude, 229. Gaillard, "In Memoriam: Breton en Haiti," and Dash, "Le Je de l'autre." Polizzotti, Revolution of the Mind, 605. 17. 18. La Ruche, 1 January 1946. 1946, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 84, Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, 4 January 19. 800/10-446. 216 Notes to Pages 68-76 , Bethesda, Md.; Depestre, See also Laraque, "André André Breton et Nous," 67. tude, 229. Gaillard, "In Memoriam: Breton en Haiti," and Dash, "Le Je de l'autre." Polizzotti, Revolution of the Mind, 605. 17. 18. La Ruche, 1 January 1946. 1946, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 84, Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, 4 January 19. 800/10-446. 216 Notes to Pages 68-76 --- Page 232 --- Pressoir, interview by author, 20 May 2000, Bethesda, Md. 20. Raymond Morse, interview by author, 23 July 1999, Pélerin. 21. Emerante De Pradines Pétionville; E. Séjour Laurent to 22. Max D. Sam, interview by author, 17 May 2001, 1946; AJ.H. to 1946, printed in La Nation, 19 February Max L. Hudicourt, 22 February Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/1-1546. Department of State, 15 January 1946, 2001, Paris. Gérald Bloncourt, interview by author, 18 June et 23. interview by author, 18 June 2001, Paris; Depestre, Bonjour 24. Gérald Bloncourt, adieu à la négritude, 212; Les Débats, 25 June 1946. January 1946, Port-au- "Memorandum to the ambassador," 7 25. John C. Howley, Bloncourt, interview by author, 18 June Prince, USNA, RG 84, 838.01/1-1946; Gérald 2001, Paris. "La Révolution de 1946," and Gérald 26. Details on the protest taken from Depestre, See also Bloncourt and Lowy, Bloncourt, interview by author, 18 June 2001, Paris; and Collectif du Cinquantenaire, Haiti. Messagers de la Tempête, De Pradines Morse, interview by author, 23 27. Le Matin, 8 January 1946; Emerante Depestre, Bonjour et adieu à la négritude, July 1999, Pélerin; Le Nouvelliste, 7 January 1946; 213. Laurent to Max L. Hudicourt, 19 February 1946, 28. Élie Lescot quoted in E. Séjour reprinted in La Nation, 22 February 1946. 18 June 2001, Paris; Le Matin, 9 January Gérald Bloncourt, interview by author, 29. 1946. interview by author, 18 June 2001, Paris. 30. Gérald Bloncourt, le Président de la République, le 9 Élie Lescot, "Proclamation de son Excellence 31. 1946," Haitian Collection, MSRC. Janvier manifesto in Le Matin, 8 January 1946. 32. Their appeared 1946, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 84, W. Abbott to Secretary of State, 11 January 331946; New York Times, 13 January 1946. 838.000/1-1146: Le Matin 10, 12 January 34-1 Le Matin, 11 January 1946. 35. Posy, "Jacmel 1946," 60. see Élie Lescot to Maurice Dartigue, On Lescot's personal reaction to the events, 36. 26 April 1946, Dartigue Papers, SCRBC. 37. Le Matin, 12 January 1946. of State, "Press Criticism of See the discussion on this issue in Abbott to Secretary On 38. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/2-1946. the United States," 19 February 1946, see Le Nouvelliste, 11 Februagainst the United States during these early stages, opinions ary 1946. Cook, "Bellegarde Back, to Speak for Haiti," Washington 39. 26 April 1946, Dartigue Papers, SCRBC. 37. Le Matin, 12 January 1946. of State, "Press Criticism of See the discussion on this issue in Abbott to Secretary On 38. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/2-1946. the United States," 19 February 1946, see Le Nouvelliste, 11 Februagainst the United States during these early stages, opinions ary 1946. Cook, "Bellegarde Back, to Speak for Haiti," Washington 39. See the articles by Mercer told by Ambassador," March 1946, and "Situation in Haiti Journalists Afro-American, 30 See also Enoch P. Walters, "No Admittance: Washington Afro-American, 20 April 1946. 1946. Early in the military Haitians at State Dept. Door," Chicago Defender, 13 April president but was expressed willingness to become a provisional regime, Bellegarde would be easier for the communist denied when the CEM felt that a civilian president February 1946, USNA, RG See Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, 7 militants to topple. Journalists Afro-American, 30 See also Enoch P. Walters, "No Admittance: Washington Afro-American, 20 April 1946. 1946. Early in the military Haitians at State Dept. Door," Chicago Defender, 13 April president but was expressed willingness to become a provisional regime, Bellegarde would be easier for the communist denied when the CEM felt that a civilian president February 1946, USNA, RG See Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, 7 militants to topple. of State, 1 February 1946, USNA, RG 838.002/2-746, and Orme Wilson to Secretary 59, 59, 838.002/2:146. Notes to Pages 76-82 217 --- Page 233 --- Gleaner, 14 January 1946. See, for example, the report in the Jamaican Daily 40. Afro-American, 2 February 1946. 41. Washington. 42. Pittsburgh Courier, 19 January 1946. "Pierre Mabille," 12-13; Combat, Polizzotti, Revolution of the Mind, 504; Depestre, 43. 12 March 1946. Ambassador," 26 March 1946, Port-au-Prince, Jack West, "Memorandum to the 44. USNA, RG 84, 838.00B/3-2646. 45. Ibid. interview by author, 18 June 2001, Paris. 46. Gérald Bloncourt, 125. "Étude thématique et bibliographique," 47. Jean- Baptiste, in Rasoir, 13 January 1946. 48. Transcript of a broadcast printed interview by Robert J. Alexander, 25 Édouard A. Tardieu and Jacques A. Désinor, 49. Port-au-Prince, Alexander Papers, RU. June 1948, 50. Flambeau, 19 January 1946. 51. Flambeau, 22 January 1946. named Combat briefly surfaced as the "organ 52. In 1940 an earlier anti-Vincent paper of the defense of Haitian Democracy" 53- Combat, 6 February 1946. 54. Combat, 8 February 1946. 55- Combat, 6 February 1946. 56. Combat, 12 March 1946. Hector, Syndicalisme et socialisme en Haiti, 50-60. 5758. Combat, 19 February 1946. the Communist Party of Haiti," 59. Jack West, "Report on Information regarding "Memorandum on the size of the attachment to Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, USNA, RG 84, 838.00B/7-2176. Communist Party of Haiti," 21 July 1946, Port-au-Prince, in their organ Hoy, and was The Cuban PSP's assessment of the PCH appeared 60. March 1946. Other Latin American commureprinted in the Haitian PSP's La Nation, 14 with interest shared the Cuban that followed the developments in Haiti great nist parties the PCH. For the PCH's riposte, see Combat, 19 March PSP's decision not to recognize communists and the PCH see Alexbetween the Cuban 1946. For further comparison ander, Communism in Latin America, 297. Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 59, 61. Hoover to Frederick B. Lyon, 25 March 1946, the PCH. Radicals in 838.00B/3-2546. There is no evidence that the CPUSA supported The 18 January however, comment on the developments in Haiti. the United States did, revolution ofthe Haitian masses" as "part of edition of the People's Voice reported on "the off the shackles by which determination of exploited peoples to throw the worldwide industrial interests as an aftermath of the world they have been bound by powerful Papers, Box 120, FDRL. conflict just ended." "clipping file-Haiti," Taussig Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 62. Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, 12 February 1946, 48-49. See also Dorsinville, "1946 ou le délire opportuniste.," 59, 838.00B/2-1246; interview by author, 18 June 2001, Paris. 63. Gérald Bloncourt, 64. Demain, 22 May 1946. 65. Rasoir,7) July 1946. 218 Notes to Pages 82 -86 -Haiti," Taussig Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 62. Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, 12 February 1946, 48-49. See also Dorsinville, "1946 ou le délire opportuniste.," 59, 838.00B/2-1246; interview by author, 18 June 2001, Paris. 63. Gérald Bloncourt, 64. Demain, 22 May 1946. 65. Rasoir,7) July 1946. 218 Notes to Pages 82 -86 --- Page 234 --- of State, 26 March 1946, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 66. Orme Wilson to Secretary 838.00B/3-2646. 67. Le Nouvelliste, 23 January 1946. Pétionville. 68. Max D. Sam, interview by author, 17 May 2000, D.C., USNA, Hoover to Frederick B. Lyon, 26 March 1946, Washington, Port69. J. Edgar rumors circulated in The FBI's position was influenced by RG 84, 838.00B/3-2646. Garde attention to its rival PSP. For commenau-Prince by the PCH in an effort to attract 1946. tary on these rumors see La Nation, 19 February 70. Combat, 28 February 1946. 71. Combat, 23 March 1946. 72. Combat, 16 April 1946. Heinl and Heinl, Written in Blood, 516. 73- Class Moyenne et Masse, 19 February 1946. 74. 75- Class Moyenne et Masse, 1 May 1946. "Rise and Fall of the Doubout and Joly, Notes sur le développement, 21; Lundahl, 76. Haitian Labour Movement," 198. Daniel Fignolé, Soixante-cinq jours, 6 fn 8. 800/CON77. of State, n.d., Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 84, 78. Jack West to Secretary FIDENTIAL. et candidats au Sénat," BHFIC. "Album de candidats à la Députation 79. demonstration, see Combat, 7 May 1946. 80. For details on the 81. Le Matin, 12 April 1946. Election May 12; Mulattoes Fear Massacre," 82. See, for example, the articles "Haitian Communists Reported Leading Washington Afro-American, 16 February 1946; "Haiti's Candidate Threatens VioRace," Trinidad Guardian, 6 March 1946; "Leftist Presidency 1946, all in "clipping file-Haiti," Taussig lence if Defeated," New York Times, 14 May Papers, Box 120, FDRL. 83. Classe Moyenne et Masse, 26 May 1946. USNA, RG 59 838.00/5-2246. Horatio Mooers to Secretary of State, 22 May 1946, that Senate 84. had the results SO a also that Magloire manipulated There was suspicion could be installed. See Orme Wilson to favorable to his preferred candidate, Estimé, René Depestre, in a Secretary of State, 19 August 1946, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/8-1946. he had with Estimé and Bloninterview, made mention of a private meeting the radical published before the election in which Estimé promised young court's father a week youth, an offer Depestre flatly reward in return for support from the revolutionary The extent to which Estimé "La révolution de 1946," 88-89. refused. See Depestre, to the Chamber of Deputies is not known, participated in a plan to secure reelection that Estimé had been buying Ambassador Wilson noted his suspicions though in July of State, 24 July 1946, USNA, RG 59, votes from legislators. Orme Wilson to Secretary 838.00/7-2446. See also Dumas-Pierre, "La Garde d'Haiti." with Maof State, "Memorandum of Conversation 85- Orme Wilson to Secretary Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, Haitian Political Situation," 18 May 1946, jor Levelt on 838.00/5-1846. 86. Dumas-Pierre, "La Garde d'Haiti." Notes to Pages 86-90 219 , USNA, RG 59, votes from legislators. Orme Wilson to Secretary 838.00/7-2446. See also Dumas-Pierre, "La Garde d'Haiti." with Maof State, "Memorandum of Conversation 85- Orme Wilson to Secretary Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, Haitian Political Situation," 18 May 1946, jor Levelt on 838.00/5-1846. 86. Dumas-Pierre, "La Garde d'Haiti." Notes to Pages 86-90 219 --- Page 235 --- 87. Le Matin, 17 May 1946. Orme Wilson, Major Levelt expressed 88. In a private meeting with U.S. Ambassador Dr. Georges Rigaud, would use a fear that the leader of the Comité, the CEM's deep and clear the way for a Marxist government to support his bid for presidency at costs provisional it was necessary for the Garde to prevent any victory. For this reason, he argued, Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, "Memothe success of the new Communist alliance. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 84, randum of Conversation with Major Levelt," 27 May 1946, 800B/05-2746. York Times, 15 May 1946; Le Réveil, 16 May 1946. 89. New 90. Le Matin, 14 May 1946. article "Jail Haiti Mulattoes," ) New Amsterdam 91. Le Matin, 24 May 1946; See the May 1946, Washington, J. Edgar Hoover to Frederick B. Lyon, 29 News, 15 June 1946; D.C., USNA, RG 84, 838.005/5:2946. 92. La Nation, 26 March 1946. Party meeting on 12 July comments were recorded at a Communist 93- St. Armand's of State, 16 July, USNA, RG 84, See the enclosure to Orme Wilson to Secretary 1946. 838.00B/7-1646. investigations on the elections 94. La Nation, 3 April 1946. U.S. State Department for Estimé's campaign came from the that some of the financial backing later confirmed of State, 19 August 1946, Port-au-Prince, Vincent family. Orme Wilson to Secretary in the noiriste proSome mention of the contradictions USNA, RG 59, 838.00/8-1946. "Social Role of Color in Haiti." gram of 1946 is made in Watkins, 95. Demain, 30 May 1946. 96. Demain, 21 June 1946. From Dessalines to Duvalier, 186 88. 97. Le Matin, 12 June 1946. See also Nicholls, 98. La République, 9 June 1946. interview by author, 17 May 2001, Pétionville. Flambeau, 11 June 1946; Max D. Sam, 99. interview by author, 17 May 2001, Pétionville. 100. Max D. Sam, 101. Demain, 12 June 1946. Nation, 18 June 1946. The translation is taken 102. The meeting was reported in La Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 84, from Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, 25 June 1946, 838.00B/6-2546. 103. Ibid.; La Nouvelle Ruche, 3 July 1946. For his address to the party regarding On Alexis's views see Combat, 12 July 1946. 104. Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, "Memorandum Describthe upcoming elections, see of Haiti on July 26," 29 July 1946, Port-au-Prince, ing Meeting of Communist Party the PCH the slogan "Haiti aux At one point adopted USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/7-2946. anti-Imperialiste, though there is no indication Haitiens" and formed L'Union Haîtienne of how this union functioned. See Combat, 5 August 1946. 105. La Ruche, 2 March 1946. 106. See Artibonite Journal, 16 March 1946. 107. Désinor, Daniel Fignolé, 68. Hector, Syndicalisme et SOand Joly, Notes sur le développement, 15; 108. Doubout cialisme en Haiti, 45. 220 Notes to Pages 90-9 94 Imperialiste, though there is no indication Haitiens" and formed L'Union Haîtienne of how this union functioned. See Combat, 5 August 1946. 105. La Ruche, 2 March 1946. 106. See Artibonite Journal, 16 March 1946. 107. Désinor, Daniel Fignolé, 68. Hector, Syndicalisme et SOand Joly, Notes sur le développement, 15; 108. Doubout cialisme en Haiti, 45. 220 Notes to Pages 90-9 94 --- Page 236 --- 109. Chantiers, 15 June 1946. 110. Désinor, Daniel Fignolé, 40. 111. Ibid., 48. 112. Ibid., 45. 113. Ibid. 114. Ibid., 50. "La Révolution de 46," 88. 115- See Depestre, 116. La Nation, 30 July 1946. 117. Ibid. diaries, LC. Logan also recalled his initial 118. Diary entry, 7 April 1942, Logan for the Pittsin a he wrote on the presidential campaign observations on Calixte piece Haitian Affairs," in Pittsburgh Courier, 13 burgh Courier. See Logan, "Trujillo Meddles in July 1946. in Trujillo to Lescot, 1 Élie Lescot to Rafael Trujillo, 11 April 1940, quoted 119. November 1943, PSF, Box 39, FDRL. Matin, 2, 6, 8. August 1946. 120. See the reports on the debates in Le Général Expédiée, folder 121. CEM to Daniel Fignolé, 5 August 1946, Correspondence 883, ANH; Désinor, Daniel Fignolé, 78. 122. Le Matin, 13 August 1946. 123. Paquin, Haitians, 145. 124. Le Matin, 13 August 1946. allowed to take place by Magloire, despite 125. It was largely held that the strike was to coerce the legislapolitical demonstrations, in an effort the CEM's strict laws against November 1946, "Political Situation Estimé. Jack West to Ambassador, 12 ture to vote for Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, 13 November in Haiti (A Review)," enclosure to 1946, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/11-1346. "Political Situation in Haiti (A 126. Jack West to Ambassador, 12 November 1946, November 1946, Portenclosure to Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, 13 Review)," au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/11-1346. 127. Le Nouvelliste, 17 August 1946. Washington, D.C.; Jack West to 128. Robert Bazile, interview by author, 22 June 2000, enclosure to "Political Situation in Haiti (A Review)." Ambassador, 12 November 1946, 1946, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, 13 November 838.00/11-1346. 129. Dorsinville, Marche arrière, 54. 130. See Chantiers, 10 July 1947. "Memorandum of meeting with Col. Calixte," 131. Orme Wilson to Secretary of State, Calixte also revealed that 1946, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59 800/8-1746. who, 17 August and former Lescot rival Frederick Duvigneaud, influential milat businesspeople had backed Estimé. He also according to Calixte, raised $75,000 for Estimé's campaign, done in order to weaken Fignolé's admitted that his decision to resign from politics was alone" and hence look since he "would never continue street agitations popular strength more favorable to the new regime. "Political Situation in Haiti (A Jack West to Ambassador, 12 November 1946, 132. Notes to Pages 94 -98 221 August and former Lescot rival Frederick Duvigneaud, influential milat businesspeople had backed Estimé. He also according to Calixte, raised $75,000 for Estimé's campaign, done in order to weaken Fignolé's admitted that his decision to resign from politics was alone" and hence look since he "would never continue street agitations popular strength more favorable to the new regime. "Political Situation in Haiti (A Jack West to Ambassador, 12 November 1946, 132. Notes to Pages 94 -98 221 --- Page 237 --- of State, 13 November 1946, PortReview)," enclosure to Harold Tittmann to Secretary au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/11-1346. 133. Ibid.; Le Matin, 19 August 1946. 1946, Port-au-Prince, to the Ambassador," 21 August 134. Jack West, "Memorandum USNA, RG 84, 838.00B/8-2646. Pétionville. Sam also recalls that Max D. Sam, interview by author, 17 May 2000, 135. him of his acceptance of the post, conversation with Estimé informing in a telephone warned the president that if he wanted the Rigaud, on the advice of the PSP executive, he had to fear but the ambitious Magloire. to work it was not the leftists new government post for Magloire in a foreign country. Rigaud suggested that Estimé create a diplomatic beneficial to the government and that Magloire had been far too Estimé responded decision that Estimé would live to regret. should remain in Haiti, a critical Pétionville. 136. Max D. Sam, interview by author, 17 May 2000, "Political Situation in Haiti (A Jack West to Ambassador, 12 November 1946, Port137. Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, 13 November 1946, Review)," enclosure to au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/11-1346. this period see Fignolé, Soixante-cinq 138. On Fignolé's activities and policies during in Foi Sociale, various issues, See also his correspondence with Estimé reprinted jours. June-July 1956. 139. La Nation, 28 August 1946. broadcast in Rasoir, 1 September 1946. 140. Taken from the transcript of a radio that came into the embassy was of a 141. See Le Matin, 15 October 1946. One report at drove off the who, driving through the district of Carrefour night, U.S. customs agent for assistance fifty locals came and shook his road and fell in a ditch. When he asked a black country with a to kill him; they claimed that Haiti was now car, threatening should respect that. His life was spared, he alblack president and all white foreigners he had. Harold Tittmann to Secretary of leged, only after giving the mob all the money Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 84, "Memorandum on J. I. Grant," 13 October 1946, State, to these events see, for example, "Call Port-au-Prince 800/840.1. For regional responses October 1946. City of Fears," in the Jamaican Daily Gleaner, 1 142. La Nation, 25, 29 August 1946. "Political Situation in Haiti (A Jack West to Ambassador, 12 November 1946, Port143. Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, 13 November 1946, Review)," enclosure to au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/11-1346. 144- La Nation, 28 October 1946. "Political Situation in Haiti (A Jack West to Ambassador, 12 November 1946, Port145. Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, 13 November 1946, Review)," enclosure to au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/11-1346. 146. Ibid. Désinor, Daniel Fignolé, 84. 147. Le Matin, 23 October 1946; "Political Situation in Haiti (A 148. Jack West to Ambassador, 12 November 1946, November 1946, Portto Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, 13 Review)." enclosure au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/11-1346. "The Haitian Cabinet Crisis," 28 October C. Stevenson to Walker, Barber, et al., 149. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 54, 838.002/10-2846. 1946, 222 Notes to Pages 98-101 23 October 1946; "Political Situation in Haiti (A 148. Jack West to Ambassador, 12 November 1946, November 1946, Portto Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, 13 Review)." enclosure au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/11-1346. "The Haitian Cabinet Crisis," 28 October C. Stevenson to Walker, Barber, et al., 149. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 54, 838.002/10-2846. 1946, 222 Notes to Pages 98-101 --- Page 238 --- Chapter 4 Bazile, interview by author, 22 June 2000, Washington, D.C. 1. Robert See also the follow-up article, "New Deal for 2. Pittsburgh Courier, 24 August 1946. 1946. Under President Estimé," Pittsburgh Courier, 31 August Haiti Seen interview by author, 8 May 2001, Port-au-Prince. 3- Lamartinière Honorat, 4. Les Griots, 16 August 1948. in Duvalier, (Euvres essenDuvalier and Denis, Le problème des classes, reprinted 5. in Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, 195. tielles, 357- Emphasis added. Also quoted 6. Ibid., 360. 7- Nicholls, Dessalines to Duvalier, 200. 8. Duvalier, (Euvres essentielles, 421. 9. Ibid., 405-21. Jazz des Jeunes, Ibo Records ILP 113, n.d. 10. "Kote Moun Yo?," Jazz des Jeunes, Super Haitian vodou-djazz often take 11. As with most other forms of protest music, lyrics in with its battery of depending on the context. This particular song, on multiple meanings in Haitian national discourse as a vodou drums and rara vaksins, is usually interpreted denunciation of the moun sa-a yo of indigenous pride and a pointed defiant expression elite who slanderthe culture ofHaiti's black (those people), specifically, the light-skinned in the late forties. The latent battle majority. Still, the song assumed other meanings music scene during the des Jeunes and Jazz Saieh for dominance on the between Jazz after 1946 into a feud along color lines, as latter part of the Lescot years exploded interview author, 13 July 1999, Issa El Saieh has pointed out (Issa El Saieh, by bandleader Haitian of Arab and U.S. descent, and Port-au- Prince). Since Jazz Saïeh was led by a Jazz des Jeunes as nonmusicians, it was dismissed by composed of more proficient of vodou chants and rara instruauthentique, despite the band's frequent incorporation orchestration of Jazz des Jeunes was contrast, the untutored ments in its repertoire. By them in the of Les Griots as being heralded by their noiriste supporters who praised another pages instance of class-color true culture ofthe country. Here we find yet closer to the that of national politics. For further discussion antagonism operating on a terrain beyond these years see Averill, Day tension between the two bands and on music during on the Vodou Nation, chap. 5. for the Hunter, 60-62, and Largey, 12. Lyrics taken from Rasoir, 24 November 1946. recording issued of this song is taken from a 1948 promotional 13. The performance in the international market and encourage by the government to launch vodou-djazz Widmaier of Radio Metropole (formerly Haitian tourism. I am grateful to M. Herby Casimir's legendary for supplying me with a personal copy of this recording, HH3W) Gede, Panama-m tombe and the Kongo song, renditions of traditional songs such as Papa Caroline Acao won her international attention. Promotion of the Republic of Haiti," "News of Haiti-I Department of Tourist of 14. Office Folder, USNA, RG 40. On similar promotion Elmer Lancaster Files, Box 1, Haitian art in the late forties, see Rodman, Haiti, 94-97. 1947). Director's Report, Bulletin du Bureau d'Ethnologie (December 15. "The 'New' Movement in Haiti," 18. 16. Efron, Notes to Pages 103-7 223 itions of traditional songs such as Papa Caroline Acao won her international attention. Promotion of the Republic of Haiti," "News of Haiti-I Department of Tourist of 14. Office Folder, USNA, RG 40. On similar promotion Elmer Lancaster Files, Box 1, Haitian art in the late forties, see Rodman, Haiti, 94-97. 1947). Director's Report, Bulletin du Bureau d'Ethnologie (December 15. "The 'New' Movement in Haiti," 18. 16. Efron, Notes to Pages 103-7 223 --- Page 239 --- 1948, USNA, RG Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, 16 January Port-au-Prince, 17. 59,8 838.504/1-1648. Bureau Press Release-Exposition 18. Livre bleu d'Haiti, 514; "Haiti Information and Le Moniteur, 24 November 1949. 1949." Box A295, Folder 2, NAACP Papers, LC, government decrees, are sources on the Exposition, including Detailed contemporary Bicentenaire de la fondation de Port-au-Prince. compiled in Mathurin, 19. Livre bleu d'Haiti, 518. is discussed in Les Griots, 4, 22 contribution to the Exposition 20. The ethnological and Bulletin du Bureau D'EthnologieOctober 1948; Le Nouvelliste, 5 December 1949; see Corvington, Port-auof the Exposition in general Rapport 1949. For a rich description passim; For a critique of the ExposiPrince au cours des ans, 6:150-52, 298-99, 117-20, Blond, and Olive, 90- 92. see Wilson, Red, Black, tion from a foreign participant links with North America in the postwar period 21. The theme of Caribbean cultural others, Hill, Calypso Callaworks. See, among is the subject of several thought-provoking and Pérez's study On Becoming Caliban and the Yankees; penetrating loo, chap. 9; Neptune, role of U.S. culture in the shaping of which includes fascinating insight on the Cuban, Cuban national identity. by Robert J. Alexander, 22 August 1949, Port-au22. Georges Ramponeau, interview Prince, Alexander Papers, RU. Greene, Catholic Church in Haiti, 108. 23. V. Charles, "Re: Present U.S. Opinion of Haiti," 24. Walter White to Joseph Folder 2, NAACP Papers, LC; Walter September 1947, Washington, D.C., Box A297, Folder 6, NAACP Papers, LC. See Estimé, 21 June 1949, Box A295, White to Dumarsais chap. 2, for a critical discussion of the campaign. the Race," also Polyné, "Modernizing the non-elite Jean David, who although light25. The only two exceptions were identified with the noiristes, and Emmanuel skinned shared political views more closely of finance in 1947. Thezan, who temporarily held a position as minister radical wing of the noiriste used in reference to the 26. The term authentiques, in late 1946 shortly after the election. politicians who served under Estimé, originated Dorsinville, the most prominent The coining of the term is usually associated with Roger having origins Dorsinville, however, remembers the term pejorative of the authentiques. in their verbal assault against the noiristes in the among the socialist writers of La Nation Marche arrière, 135. It should also be early days of the administration. See Dorsinville, to have had little to do though sharing the same name, appear noted that the authentiques, with the auténtico party then in power in Cuba. of Dorsinville's délire 139. For an example 27. Dorsinville, "1946 ou le opportuniste:" Lettre aux hommes claires. views at the time see his essay, 28. Dorsinville, "1946 ou le délire opportuniste," 139. Dorsinville, "Les 'Authentiques," 9) 165-66. 29. Fourcand, interview by author, 14 July 1999, Pétionville. 30. Noé The nationalist myth regarding EsBaguidy, Dynamique d'une revolution, 36-37. 31. the sixties and the seventies because of Duvalierist propaganda. timé expanded greatly in this eulogizing when in 1964 for encouraging François Duvalier was largely responsible bust in his honor at Bicentenaire. The funeral for Estimé and erected a he held a state Duvalier's rise to power as exemplified in Jean Magloire's myth itself, however, predates 224 Notes to Pages 107 -10 The nationalist myth regarding EsBaguidy, Dynamique d'une revolution, 36-37. 31. the sixties and the seventies because of Duvalierist propaganda. timé expanded greatly in this eulogizing when in 1964 for encouraging François Duvalier was largely responsible bust in his honor at Bicentenaire. The funeral for Estimé and erected a he held a state Duvalier's rise to power as exemplified in Jean Magloire's myth itself, however, predates 224 Notes to Pages 107 -10 --- Page 240 --- of this is the account of the celebratory Dumarsais Estimé. The most recent example the tributes on Estimé's wife. See Estimé, Dumarsais Estimé, especially Estimé years by 163- 68 and 179 86. Rotberg, Haiti: Politics of Squalor, 175. 32. Heinl and Heinl, Written in Blood, 519; Dunham, Island Possessed, 47- - 48. 33information here is drawn from Psyche, 14 July 1939, Magloire, 34. The biographical Politics 171; Estimé, Dumarsais Estimé, Dumarsais Estimé; Rotberg, Haiti: The of Squalor, Lamartinière Honorat, Au service d'une cause-souvenirs d'une campagne; author, 41-50, passim; Port-au-Prince; and Noé Fourcand, interview by interviewl by author, 9 May 2001, 14 July 1999, Pétionville. descriptions of him in Shepherd to Eden, "Records 35. See, for example, the character British Documents October 1937Personalities in Hayti," 12 November 1937, of Leading 1946, in War Department Inteland Intelligence Review, no. 28, August 1938, 325, ligence Review File, Box 18, HSTL. 36. Le Matin, 16 August 1946. Duvalier's "Contribution au On earlier noiriste views on education see piece, 37en Haiti," in Les Griots (October December 1939). problème de Lenseignement Robert J. Alexander, 25 June 1948, Port-au-Prince, 38. Dumarsais Estimé, interview by Alexander Papers, RU. 2000, Washington, D.C.; Georges Robert Bazile, interview by author, 22 June 39. Robert J. Alexander, 22 August 1949, Port-au-Prince, Alexander Ramponeau, interview by Wilson, Red, Black, Brown, and Olive, 91, 95Papers, RU. On the UNESCO project, see Peasants and Poverty, 472. Heinl and Heinl, Written in Blood, 518; Lundahl, 103; 40. Le Matin, 16 August 1946. and 26 of the 1946 Constitution in "Un 41. Livre bleu d'Haiti, 350; see articles 19-21 Braden, Wright, haîtiennes," 70-71; Hauch to Barber, Briggs, siècle de constitutions 1947, Port-au-Prince, USNA, Smith, "Annual Report on Labor-Haiti, 1946," 31 January RG 59, 838.504/1-3147- National du Travail, Avril 1949." typescript, BHFIC. 42. "Premier Congrès H. McBride to Secretary of State, "Haitian Labor 43- Livre bleu d'Haiti, 330. Robert Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.504/4-2448. Legislation," 24 April 1948, Alexander, 24 June 1948, Port-au-Prince, René Victor, interview by Robert J. 44Alexander Papers, RU. Smith, "Annual Report on Labor-Haiti, 45. Hauch to Barber, Briggs, Braden, Wright, Robert H. . "Premier Congrès H. McBride to Secretary of State, "Haitian Labor 43- Livre bleu d'Haiti, 330. Robert Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.504/4-2448. Legislation," 24 April 1948, Alexander, 24 June 1948, Port-au-Prince, René Victor, interview by Robert J. 44Alexander Papers, RU. Smith, "Annual Report on Labor-Haiti, 45. Hauch to Barber, Briggs, Braden, Wright, Robert H. McPort-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.504/1-3147: 1946," 31 January 1947, Labor 24 April 1948, Port-au-Prince, Bride to Secretary of State, "Haitian Legislation," Lundahl, "Rise Livre bleu d'Haiti, 330, 349, 354, 367-68; USNA, RG 59, 838.504/4-2448; Latortue, Le droit du travail, 315-37; and Fall of the Haitian Labour Movement," 98-99; Private collection. manuscript on history of labor in Haiti, St. Jean, unpublished Members of the Haitian Special Mission, 17 March 1947, 46. Spruille Braden to the Washington, D.C., FRUS, 1947, 8:722. Courier, 29 March 1947. See "U.S. refuses loan to Haiti," Pittsburgh 47. Ties to U.S., ' Chicago Defender, 28 September 1946. 48. "Haiti Seeks to Ease Economic Pittsburgh Courier, 14 March 1947. See "Haiti's Plea for U.S. Finance Overlooked," U.S. 49. 106-7, and "Haiti seeks to End 'Overlordalso Von Eschen, Race against Empire, Notes to Pages 110 -14 225 --- Page 241 --- black intensified a few months later ship," >)7 New York Times, 20 May 1947. U.S. protest official visit to the United States were that Haitian diplomats on an when it was learned See Walter White to Harry S. Truman, 22 mistreated and harassed by U.S. authorities. October 1947, Box A297, File 5, NAACP Papers, LC. author, 22 June 2000, 26 May 1947; Robert Bazile, interview by 50. Le Nouvelliste, interview by author, 14 July 1999, Pétionville; See also Washington, D.C.; Noé Fourcand, MAE, and Pierre Charles, Haiti, 29. Chayet report, Washington, D.C.; Combat, 29 Robert Bazile, interview by author, 22 June 2000, 51. March 1947. of the loan and the fervor of patriotism that it 52. For details on the repayment "Freed Finances and After?," Le Matin, engendered, see, for example, F. Morisseau-Leroy, 16 August 1947. interview by author, 14 July 1999, Pétionville. 53- Noé Fourcand, "Memorandum of Telephone Conversation 54- Norman Armour to Secretary of State, Washington, D.C., FRUS, Martin [Chairman of EX-IM bank]," 3 June 1948, with William Woodward, Daniels, Stenger, Cady, "Memoran1948, 9:596; Norman Armour to Thorpe, Washington, D.C., Assistant Conversation with William Martin, 28 June 1948, dum of for Economic Affairs Files, Box 15, HSTL. Secretary of State of Conversation with Charles C. Hauch to Secretary of State, "Memorandum Wash55. 10 October 1947, Assistant Secretary Armour and Ambassador Tittman-Haiti," ington, D.C., FRUS, 1947, 8:733W. Alan Laflin's report, "The Artibonite Valley 56. Ibid. On the Artibonite project, see Melvin D. Hildreth to John R. Steelman, 18 Project in Haiti," 9 July 1949 attachment to New York, OF, Box 162, HSTL. Charles C. Hauch to Secretary of State, "Memorandum Wash55. 10 October 1947, Assistant Secretary Armour and Ambassador Tittman-Haiti," ington, D.C., FRUS, 1947, 8:733W. Alan Laflin's report, "The Artibonite Valley 56. Ibid. On the Artibonite project, see Melvin D. Hildreth to John R. Steelman, 18 Project in Haiti," 9 July 1949 attachment to New York, OF, Box 162, HSTL. August 1949, the United States, 164; Jack West to Ambassador, 12 November 57- Plummer, Haiti and enclosure to Harold Tittmann to Secre- "Political Situation in Haiti (A Review)," 1946, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/11-1346. tary of State, 13 November 1946, "War and the Trade Orientation of Haiti," 281. 58. Moral, Le paysan haitien, 312; Giles, "Memorandum of Conversation with Charles C. Hauch to Secretary of State, 59. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.5034/4-1047Kerwin, Braden et al," 10 April 1947, Alexander, 1 September 1949, Port-auSt. interview by Robert J. 60. Raynol Cyr, interview by Robert J. Alexander, 31 Prince, Alexander Papers, RU, and Louis Decatrel, Port-au-Prince, Alexander Papers, RU. August 1949, 61. Lundahl, Peasants and Poverty, 44. 62. Wilson, Red, Black, Blond, and Olive, 91. is discussed in Greene, The tension between the foreign and indigenous clergy see 63. views of the indigenous clergy Catholic Church in Haiti, 108-10. On contemporary Gayot, Clergé indigène. "Memorandum of Conversation with Frère 64. Norman Armour to Charles C. Hauch, and Cecil B. Lyon," 27 January 1948, Gabriel Edouard, Norman Armour, Sidney de la Rue, later how the insinuation We shall see Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 59, 838.00/1-2748. discussed in Greene, The tension between the foreign and indigenous clergy see 63. views of the indigenous clergy Catholic Church in Haiti, 108-10. On contemporary Gayot, Clergé indigène. "Memorandum of Conversation with Frère 64. Norman Armour to Charles C. Hauch, and Cecil B. Lyon," 27 January 1948, Gabriel Edouard, Norman Armour, Sidney de la Rue, later how the insinuation We shall see Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 59, 838.00/1-2748. of communism haunted the Estimé presidency. From Dessalines to Duvalier, 197. 65. Wilson, Red, Black, Blond, and Olive, 87; Nicholls, "Notre response a M. From Dessalines to Duvalier, 198; See also Duvalier, 66. Nicholls, in (Euvres essentielles, 877-85. Foisset," in Les Griots, 1 April 1949, reprinted 226 Notes to Pages 1141 -17 --- Page 242 --- of State, 3 December 1946, Port-au-Prince, USNA, 67. Harold Tittmann to Secretary Neal, 4 1947, Washington, D.C., J. Edgar Hoover to Jack April RG 59, 838.00/11-2946; USNA, RG 59, 838.00/4-1947Haitians, 104. 68. Le Nouvelliste, 22 May 1947; Paquin, and 6 February 1948. 69. See, for example, Le Justicier, 29 January 70. Le Nouvelliste, 2) July 1948. July Les Griots, 9 July 1948. 3. July 1948, quoted in Le Matin, 71 1948; 71. La République, Tittmann to Secretary of State, 6 July 1948, Port-au72. Le Matin, 7 July 1948; Harold Chayet Report, MAE, 149. Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/7-648; 73- Paquin, Haitians, 97. 1948, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG Robert H. McBride to Secretary of State, 20 July BHFIC. 74. unidentified report on the Rémy-Viau Affair, ca. 1948, 59, 838.00/7-2048: Woodward, Daniels, 30 July 1948, Port-au-Prince, Price, Memorandum to Walker, 75. USNA, RG 59, 838.00/7-3048. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG Robert H. McBride to Secretary of State, 20 July 1948, 76. 59, 838.00/7-2048. 77. Chayet report, MAE, 149. Report," 7 4 August 1948, Port-auHarold Tittmann to Secretary of State, "Weekly 78. Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/8-448. blackness was celebrated in an article 79. Le Matin, 27 July 1948. The beauty queen's that appeared in Les Griots, 28 July 1948. 80. Notre Jeunesse, 24 June 1949. 81. Chantiers, 14 June 1947. 82. Chantiers, 16 November 1946. U.S. lists of Haitian commu83- At various instances his name appeared on embassy Port-au-Prince identified him as tracts circulated around nists and several government communists attached to Orme Wilson to such. See, for example, the list of Haitian USNA, RG 84, 838.00B/22146. Secretary of State, 21 February 1946, Port-au-Prince, "Memorandum regarding call at Horatio Mooers to Ambassador, enclosure 1, 84November 1946, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/ Chancery of Daniel Fignolé," 29 11-2946. Leftist Groups in Haiti," 16, attachment to 85. Jack West, "Study of Contemporary Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, 11 June 1948, 838.00B/6-1148. and activities of MOP used in this section comes 86. Information on the structure Rodrigue Casimir, interview by from a survey of Chantiers for the years 1946-1948; and Michel Romain, interview by Port-au-Prince; Daniel Fignolé author, 14 June 2003, Alexander Papers, RU; and a descripRobert J. Alexander, 25 June 1948, Port-au-Prince; of leading officers in the information by one the tion of the party based on surveillance Between the Ambassador and ColoSee "Memorandum of Conversation Haitian Army. Tittmann to Secretary of State, 29 June 1948, Port-aunel Levelt," attachment to Harold Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/6-2948. June 2003, Port-au-Prince. Rodrigue Casimir, interview by author, 14 87. 88. Chantiers, 10 January 1948. in La Famille, 26 December 1948. 89. See the address of Carmen Fignolé Notes to Pages 118-23 227 Memorandum of Conversation Haitian Army. Tittmann to Secretary of State, 29 June 1948, Port-aunel Levelt," attachment to Harold Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/6-2948. June 2003, Port-au-Prince. Rodrigue Casimir, interview by author, 14 87. 88. Chantiers, 10 January 1948. in La Famille, 26 December 1948. 89. See the address of Carmen Fignolé Notes to Pages 118-23 227 --- Page 243 --- ceremony of the flag was reprinted in a lavish 90. The speech held at the inauguration anniversary of the party. See and colorful edition of Chantiers celebrating the two-year Chantiers-Édition Extraordinaire, 13 May 1948. From Dessalines to ofthe colors in the Dessalines flag see Nicholls, 91. On the meaning Duvalier, 235. vodou that launched the 1791 slave 92. Ibid., 15. Bois Caïman was the ceremony revolt. of its membership, see Harold Tittmann 93. For a discussion on MOP's exaggeration USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/7-348. See also to Secretary of State, 3 July 1948, Port-au-Prince, Lundahl, "Rise and Fall of Haitian Labour." "Rise and Fall of Haitian Labour," 94. This figure is based on information in Lundahl, Robert H. McBride to Secretary of Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, 189; and 96; in Haitian Labor Movement," 14 January State, "General Comments on Developments 1948, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.504/1-1448. Fignolé, Contribution à lhistoire, 180, n. 110. November 95Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, 6 96. Le Matin, 22 October 1947; Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.504/11-647. 1947, Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, November 97. Le Matin, 24 October 1947; "Petit guide ou résumé de L'essenPort-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.504/11-647: Hector, 1947, Travail," in Premier Congrès du Travail, 1949, BHFIC; tiel de la législation du Syndicalisme et Socialisme, 78. of State, "Labor Troubles at the Plantation 98. See Harold Tittmann to Secretary Harold Tittmann Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.504/7-2447; Dolphin," 24 July 1947, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.504/11-647to Secretary of State, 6 November 1947, 99. Le Matin, 30 October 1947. that Fignolé's decision to et Socialisme, 80, suggests 100. Ibid. Hector, Syndicalisme result of or dissatisfaction launch the strike may not have entirely been a megalomania force the government to take and ill-conceived attempt to with the law but was a poor associated with the FTH. Fignolé's intention, Hector measures against SOT's rival unions that would result in the forced dismantling of maintains, was to offer a "coup pour coup" that of the socialists however, it was clear repression the PSP. For the government, would only strengthen MOP and increase (who in any event had denounced the strike) success in the struggle for If the government intended to have any Fignolé's presence. unions, it would have to silence Fignolé first. total control of the maintained that the strike had no 101. Even after his decision to resign, Fignolé of fourteen ofthe stronger unions political implications but was organized at the request the anti-labor law. See his dissatisfied with low wages and angered by in the Federation, in Fignolé, Contribution à l'histoire, 194-96. farewell speech to SOT's General Assembly interview by Robert J. Alexander, 25 June 102. Daniel Fignolé and Michel Romain, Port-au-Prince, Alexander Papers, RU. 1948, 103. La Nation, 4 November 1947. influenced by Duvalier's own self-serving 104. Many of Duvaliersbiognaphers, perhaps just after Estimé's election in 1946, legend, wrongly date his split with Fignolé as occurring until the October 1947 strike. when in fact he remained an active member of MOP when Fignolé was of these arrests occurred in June 1948 105. The most publicized 228 Notes to Pages 123-27 Port-au-Prince, Alexander Papers, RU. 1948, 103. La Nation, 4 November 1947. influenced by Duvalier's own self-serving 104. Many of Duvaliersbiognaphers, perhaps just after Estimé's election in 1946, legend, wrongly date his split with Fignolé as occurring until the October 1947 strike. when in fact he remained an active member of MOP when Fignolé was of these arrests occurred in June 1948 105. The most publicized 228 Notes to Pages 123-27 --- Page 244 --- evidence that he had been distributing incarcerated for a month on circumstantial and Foi Sociale, 16 May 1956. Such antigovernment tracts. See Le Matin, 24 June 1948, Estimé with his strong deter who a month later incensed actions did not Fignolé, murders. On his release, of the Rémy-Viau opposition to the government's handling against Estimé by sending MOP viceFignolé sought to gain the U.S. embassy's support Harold Tittmann to Michel Romain to meet with the ambassador, to no avail. See also president Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/7-348. Secretary of State, 3 July 1948, 1949, Port-au-Prince, Alexinterview by Robert J. Alexander, 23 August Daniel Fignolé, in Alexander, Presidents, 193-97. ander Papers, RU, and the comments The Ambassador and Colonel Levelt," 106. "Memorandum of Conversation Between Port-au-Prince, Tittmann to Secretary of State, 29 June 1948, attachment to Harold Casimir, interview by author, 14 June 2003, USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/6-2948; Rodrigue Port-au-Prince. du P.C.H," in Combat, 15 March 1947. 107.See" "Déclaration du Bureau Politique 108. Ibid. of State, enclosure no. 2 "Communism in Haiti,2 109. Harold Tittmann to Secretary For a of the report, see enclosure USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/4-247. 1, 2. critique April 1947, head of the CPUSA, in Outline Political History, 386, no. 1. William Z. Foster, former there were over five hundred avowed commumakes the exaggerated claim that in 1947 nists in Haiti. Théodore Baker, the head of the youth 110. Another principal member of the party, and left rather suddenly for the and core member of La Ruche, resigned in December arm he remained in exile. The last issue of La Ruche United States a few days later, where appeared on 19 December 1946. medical students' and their comments in Le 111. See the interview with Estimé by the Caducée (October - November 1946): 5-9. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, 7 May 1947, 112. to H. Mooers to Secretary of State, 2 April 838.00/5-747- A copy of the tract is attached See also Luc, "Sur la diffusion," and USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/4-2471947, Port-au-Prince, 98. in Cuba, see de La Fuente, A Nation for All, 235-3 37. 113. On anticommunism 114. Combat, 26 April 1947. Emphasis included. Hector also correctly mentions that Hector, Syndicalisme et socialisme en Haiti, 58. 115. of Browderism, a tactic developed the PCH was heavily influenced by the phenomenon that the Communist secretary of the CPUSA, who advocated by Earl Browder, general into national politics. On Browder's Party reform its strategies in order to better integrate 80. Starobin, American Communism in Crisis, 50-8 views see, for example, earlier anticommunist law was passed in March 116. Le Matin, 17 February 1948. An 1947 but was not enforced. 117. Ibid. Tittmann to Secretary of State, 12 March 1948, 118. L'Action, 8 March 1948; Harold Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 84, 838.00B/3-1248. 119. Ibid. of State, 25 February 1948, Port-au-Prince, 120. Robert H. McBride to Secretary USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/2-2548. Notes to Pages 127-30 229 17 February 1948. An 1947 but was not enforced. 117. Ibid. Tittmann to Secretary of State, 12 March 1948, 118. L'Action, 8 March 1948; Harold Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 84, 838.00B/3-1248. 119. Ibid. of State, 25 February 1948, Port-au-Prince, 120. Robert H. McBride to Secretary USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/2-2548. Notes to Pages 127-30 229 --- Page 245 --- in Latin America, see the introduction to 121. For a fine discussion of these patterns See also the essays in Rock, Latin America Bethell and Roxborough, Latin America, 1-33in the 1940S. Washington, D.C. Robert Bazile, interview by author, 22 June 2000, 122. n.d., Confidential File, Truman Papers, Box 42, "Communist Potential- Haiti," 123. HSTL. Stuart Morrisson in the Miami Herald, 16 Septem124. See for example the article by of the regime as communist. For the which blatantly labels the social policies ber 1947, "Une Lettre de Roger Dorsinville à M. Stuart authentique response to this attack see interview by author, 14 July Morrisson," Le Nouvelliste, 3 October 1946; Noé Fourcand, 1999, Pétionville. The NAACP worked with the Haitian government 125. New York Times, 2 May 1947. toward Haiti. See Dumarsais Estimé to opinion in the United States Peter to change public Port-au-Prince, Box A295, NAACP Papers, LC; Walter White, 26 January 1949, NAACP Papers, LC; and the article Hilton to Walter White, 17 January 1949, Box A297, Defender, 17 May 1947. Haitian Leftist Purge to get U.S. Loan," in Chicago "Charge: to Secretary of State, "Possible Renescence 126. See, for example, William DeCourcy Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00B/ [sic] of Communist Party," 15 January 1949, 1-1549, and Les Griots, 11 November 1949. in in Croix des when simultaneous riots broke out marketplaces 127. For example, Gonaives in early May 1948, which by all accounts Bossales, Pétionville, Cap Haitien, and the high cost of living, Estimé told U.S. appear to have been spontaneous protests against for a larger demonstration. See Ambassador Tittmann that it was a communist "try-out" Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 84, Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, 4 May 1948, Port-au-Prince, USNA, and John Romelein to Harold Tittmann, 5 May 1948, 838.00B/-, it should be noted, recognized the transparency RG 84, 838.00B/-. U.S. authorities, to disguise the country's ecoof Estimé's attempt to use communists as scapegoats nomic woes. La Nation, 4 February 1948. 128. See, for example, MOP after the dissolution of the PCH. 129. Some of these unions deserted to October 1948; Roger F. et Socialisme, 48; La Nation, 7 130. Hector, Syndicalisme 1949, Port-au-Prince, Alexander Leonard, interview by Robert J. Alexander, 30 August Pétionville. RU; Max D. Sam, interview by author, 17 May 2000, Papers, Doubout and Joly, Notes sur le développement, 18. Roumer131. interview author, 17 May 2001, Pétionville; Andrée 132. Max D. Sam, by Innocent, interview by author, 2 May 2001, Port-au-Prince. June 1948, Port-au-Prince, René Victor, interview by Robert J. Alexander, 24 133. RU; Hector, Syndicalisme et Socialisme, 76. Alexander Papers, Edouard Benodin, interview by Robert J. André Cameau, Victor Vabre, and 134. Port-au-Prince, Alexander Papers, RU. Alexander, 24 June 1948, Robert J. Alexander, 21 August 1949, Port-au-Prince, 135. Milien Josué, interview by of State, "General Comments on Alexander Papers, RU; Robert H. McBride to Secretary Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG in Haitian Labor Movement," 14 January 1948, Developments 59, 838.504/1-1448. 230 Notes to Pages 130-33 . André Cameau, Victor Vabre, and 134. Port-au-Prince, Alexander Papers, RU. Alexander, 24 June 1948, Robert J. Alexander, 21 August 1949, Port-au-Prince, 135. Milien Josué, interview by of State, "General Comments on Alexander Papers, RU; Robert H. McBride to Secretary Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG in Haitian Labor Movement," 14 January 1948, Developments 59, 838.504/1-1448. 230 Notes to Pages 130-33 --- Page 246 --- interview by Robert J. Alexander, 21 August 1949, Port-au-Prince, 136. Milien Josué, Alexander Papers, RU; Alexander, Presidents, 456. "Present Status of Leftist Walker, Woodward, and Hale, 137. DeCourcy to Hauch, in Haiti," June 8, 1949, RG 59, USNA, 838.00/6-849. 1949, Port-augroups Leonard, interview by Robert J. Alexander, 30 August 138. Roger F. Prince, Alexander Papers, RU. Corvington, Port-au-Prince au cours des ans, 6:240. 139. 140. L'Action, 3 May 1948. Dumas-Pierre, "La Garde d'Haiti," 17. 141. interview by author, 5) July 2000, New York City. 142. Paul Laraque, 2001, Pétionville. 143- Max D. Sam, interview by author, 7 May La Nation, 26, 29, and 30 April the editorials "Politique" in 23, 144. See, for example, See also Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, 200 203. 1948. 145. Charlier, "Rapport," 305146. Ibid. by Robert J. Alexander, 30 August 1949, Port-au147. Roger F. Leonard, interview Prince, Alexander Papers, RU. Pétionville. Max D. Sam, interview by author, 17 May 2001, 148. 149. Charlier, "Rapport," 308. during March 1948. Based on these Lespès's articles appeared in Le Nouvelliste Banana 150. Estimé created a which criticized the failure of banana nationalization, however, articles, his offer to be directors. The office, Monopoly Office and both men accepted existed in name only. Pétionville. The acceptance of Max D. Sam, interview by author, 17 May 2000, evidence of the 151. by Fignolé, who argued that it was this post stimulated harsh criticism See Chantiers, 13 October 1947. For the socialists' support for the Estimé government. See also Daniel Fignolé, interview by PSP's rejoinder, see La Nation, 15 October 1947. Alexander Papers, RU. Robert J. Alexander, 23 August 1949, Port-au-Prince, June 1948, Port-au-Prince, René Victor, interview by Robert J. Alexander, 24 152. Alexander Papers, RU. of State, "Policies of the Popular Socialist Party," 153- Harold Tittmann to Secretary Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/12-164716 December 1947, Leftist Groups in Haiti," 4, 12, attachment to 154- Jack West, "Study of Contemporary) Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, 11 June 1948, 838.00B/6-1148. 155- Ibid., 13. author, 22 June 2000, Washington, D.C. 156. Robert Bazile, interview by Enclosure E. L. Tanner to Harold TittHarold Tittmann to Secretary of State, RG 157. 1> 26 May 1947, Port-au-Prince, USNA, 59, mann, "Memorandum of Conversation, 838.00/5-2647E. L. Tanner to Harold TittHarold Tittmann to Secretary of State, Enclosure 158. Port-au-Prince, RG 59, 838.00/ "Memorandum of Conversation," 26 May 1947, mann, with Magloire during an informal social 5-2647. In this report, based on a conversation Magloire revealed the residence of a prominent member of the bourgeoisie, gathering at Notes to Pages 133-37 231 , USNA, 59, mann, "Memorandum of Conversation, 838.00/5-2647E. L. Tanner to Harold TittHarold Tittmann to Secretary of State, Enclosure 158. Port-au-Prince, RG 59, 838.00/ "Memorandum of Conversation," 26 May 1947, mann, with Magloire during an informal social 5-2647. In this report, based on a conversation Magloire revealed the residence of a prominent member of the bourgeoisie, gathering at Notes to Pages 133-37 231 --- Page 247 --- the in 1946 but desisted once he that he had attempted to maneuver toward presidency for the U.S. government's promorecognized the problem a military regime would cause it and used his influence and in the island; thus he decided against tion of democracy power to get Estimé elected. received much currency was that Magloire One unsubstantiated rumor that 159. Estimé in order to challenge him as a civilian in September, handed in his resignation to the rumors see, for example, DeCourcy to a move that Estimé refused. For a report on Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG of State, "Joint Weekly Report," 12 September 1949, Secretary 59, 838.00/(W)/9-849account of Roland's role in the 1946 legisla160. A full and sometimes contradictory is in Roland, La naufrage d'une nation, 241-58. tive elections given 2000, D.C.; Paul LaraRobert Bazile, interview by author, 22 June Washington, 161. interview by author, 5 July 2000, New York City. Mission to que, "Haitiens!" attached to Officer in charge of American 162. See the tract Ciudad Trujillo, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/9-1249Secretary of State, 12 September 1949, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG William DeCourcy to Secretary of State, 17 May 1949, 163. 59, 838.00/5-1749Robert J. Alexander, 29 August 1949, Port-au164- Paul Cassagnol, interview by Prince, Alexander Papers, RU. 165- Ameringer, Democratic Left in Exile, 104. to Secretary of State, February 1949. See also William DeCourcy 166. La Nation, 9 in Roland Plot," 11 February 1949, Port-au-Prince, "Re: Public Reaction to Developments USNA, RG 59, 838.00/2-1149Port-au-Prince, USNA, to Secretary of State, 12 January 1949, 167. William DeCourcy RG 59, 838.00/1-1249of State, 26 September 1949, Port-au-Prince, 168. William DeCourcy to Secretary of State, 12 January 1949, Port-auDeCourcy to Secretary USNA, RG 59, 838.001/9-2649:1 "Affaires d'Haiti, 1950-1990," " Mangonès CollecPrince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/1-1249; tion, BHPSE. of State, 15 November 1949, Port-au-Prince, 169. William DeCourcy to Secretary Alexander, Presidents, 190-91. USNA, RG 59, 838.00/11-1849: Robert J. Alexander, 23 August 1949, Alexander 170. Daniel Fignolé, interview by Papers, RU. of State, 13 November 1949, Port-au-Prince, 171. William DeCourcy to Secretary USNA, RG 84, 838.00/11-1349of State, "Joint Weekly Report," 18 November 172. William DeCourcy to Secretary Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00(W)/11-1849. 3. 22 Decem1949, in H. Ackerman to Secretary of State, 173. The pamphlet is included Ralph ber 1949, Ciudad Trujillo, USNA, RG 59, 838.00/12-224923 December 1949, PortDeCourcy to Secretary of State, "Joint Weekly Report," 174. au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00(W)/12-2349- described the U.S. State Department as 175. On the report's findings, which were by Secretary of State, "Joint 1950, John H. Burns to "no white wash," see FRUS, 7:522. USNA, RG 59, 738.00/1-1350; Weekly Weekly Report," 13 January 1950, Port-au-Prince, 232 Notes to Pages 137-43 Courcy to Secretary of State, "Joint Weekly Report," 174. au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 838.00(W)/12-2349- described the U.S. State Department as 175. On the report's findings, which were by Secretary of State, "Joint 1950, John H. Burns to "no white wash," see FRUS, 7:522. USNA, RG 59, 738.00/1-1350; Weekly Weekly Report," 13 January 1950, Port-au-Prince, 232 Notes to Pages 137-43 --- Page 248 --- Democratic Left in March 1950, 12-15, WHCF, Box 59, HSTL; Ameringer, Review, 22 Haiti and the United States, 160. Exile, 106- -10; Plummer, 176. Life, 13 March 1950, 107. 1945-1950. See Pan-American Union, Foreign Trade ofHaiti, USNA, 177. of State, 4 August 1948, Port-au-Prince, 178. Robert H. McBride to Secretary RG 59, 838.00/8-448. Blond, and Olive, 92. 179. Wilson, Red, Black, New York, Box A295, folder 2, 180. Peter Hilton to Walter White, 24 May 1949, NAACP Papers, LC. officials see, for example, L'Action, 23 September 181. For critiques by government September 1948, USNA, RG 59, Robert H. McBride to Secretary of State, 27 Robert Alex1948; and Louis Decatrel, interview by J. SBATRORTAUPOINCUNTE Alexander Papers, RU. ander, 31 August 1949, Port-au-Prince, imposing citadel in the The Bicentennial Exposition was likened to Christophe's 182. economic record by U.S. ambassador north of Haiti, in a critical report on Estimé's "ruthlessness" in completing the ExposiDeCourcy noted Estimé's William DeCourcy. cost to the Haitian people." See "white undertaken at an "exaggerated tion, a elephant" "Evidence of Instability in the Haitian GovernWilliam DeCourcy to Secretary of State, 1948, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG, 59, 838.00/12-2048. ment," : 20 December May 1950, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG William DeCourcy to Secretary of State, 25 183. 59.738.00/5:2550. Leftist Groups in Haiti," 17, attachment to 184. Jack West, "Study of Contemporary Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, Harold Tittmann to Secretary of State, 11 June 1948, 838.00B/6-1148. 185. Le Matin, 19 April 1950. in Le Matin, 3 May 1950; Noé Four186. See the descriptions of the investigations cand, interview by author, 14 July 1999, Pétionville. made in Le Soir, 3 May 1950. To 187. La République, 3 May 1950. Similar attacks were and showed proof that a recent visited the U.S. chargé d'affaires clear his name, Déjoie essential oils project from which much of his loan he received for the expansion of his U.S. sources and not, as Estimists derived were acquired from financial independence first time the government sought to force had rumored, from Trujillo. This was not the malfeasance. Déjoie out of the Senate by implicating him with Trujillo's the troublesome consulted the U.S. embassy about asylum after being A year earlier, a terrified Déjoie accused of being a Roland supporter. See followed by Estimé operatives and wrongly and Senator Déjoie," Port-au-Prince, "Memorandum of Conversation between McBride USNA, RG 59, 350/ASYLUM. 1950, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 188. William DeCourcy to Secretary of State, 12 May 59.738.00/5-1250. to the U.S. embassy, see John H. Burns to 189. For comments on Estimé's appeals Estimé's Position," 5 May "Deterioration in Strength of President Secretary of State, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59.738.00/5-550. RG 1950, of State, 28 April 1950, Port-au-Prince, USNA, 59, 190. John H. Burns to Secretary 738.00/4-2850. Notes to Pages 143-45 233 00/5-1250. to the U.S. embassy, see John H. Burns to 189. For comments on Estimé's appeals Estimé's Position," 5 May "Deterioration in Strength of President Secretary of State, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59.738.00/5-550. RG 1950, of State, 28 April 1950, Port-au-Prince, USNA, 59, 190. John H. Burns to Secretary 738.00/4-2850. Notes to Pages 143-45 233 --- Page 249 --- interview author, 22 June 2000, Washington, D.C. 191. Robert Bazile, by Chauvet, Victime de 1946; Pierre, Témoignages, 27. 192. to Secretary of State, May 1950, 193. Le Matin, 8 May 1950; William DeCourcy Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59.738.00/5-1250. 194. Le Matin, 9 May 1950. 195. Pierre, Témoignages, 28. "Final interview with Estimé," 19 May 196. William DeCourcy to Secretary of State, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59.738.00/5-1950. 1950, that it was staving off potential Although the junta intervened on the grounds have had the 197. as the Senate should anarchy, its actions were nonetheless unconstitutional, lost on who was Estimé's successor. This fact was not Magloire, responsibility of selecting the leading figure in Estimé's overthrow. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, John H. Burns to Secretary of State, 21 April 1950, Estimé, 198. of State, "Final interview with 738.00/4 -2150; William DeCourcy to Secretary Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59.738.00/5-1950. 19 May 1950, Chapter 5 D.C., attachment to Walter White to Paul Magloire, 9 June 1950, Washington, 1. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, to Department of State, 16 June 1950, William DeCourcy written by Magloire to White in which he 738.00/6-1650. This letter was a reply to a note structure had been the claimed that Estimé's failure to respect the country's democratic Port-au-Prince, See Paul E. Magloire to Walter White, 2 June 1950, reason for the coup. Note in particular White's marginal comments, Box A295, folder 4, NAACP Papers, LC. and "have not people the right to say which included repeated notations such as "proof?" with the way in which the coup who they wish to rule?" which suggest a dissatisfaction was carried out. Robert J. Alexander, 3 December 1971, New York 2. Paul E. Magloire, interview by City, Alexander Papers, RU. 26, 27, 28, 29, and 30 July 1950, and the See the descriptions in Le Matin, 15, 19, See also 3devoted entirely to promoting Magloire's campaign. supplement of 1 August, Bernardin, Général Paul Eugène Magloire, 66-67. Heinl and Heinl, Written in Blood, 531; Bernardin, Général Paul Eugène Magloire, 78; 4Diederich, Bon Papa, 33. 5. Hartt, "Broadcasting in Haiti," chap. 3. November 1950, reprinted in Bon6. See the address of Monsignor Paul Robert, 4 Révolution et contrerévoltuon en Haiti, 52 -53. homme, 7.Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, 193Port-au-Prince; Issa El Saieh, Widmaier, interview by author, 8 May 2001, 8. Herby Port-au-Prince; Le Montée, 6 January 1956; Diederich, interview by author, 13 July 1999, Bon Papa, 122 - 68. Alexander, 3 December 1971, New York Paul E. Magloire, interview by Robert J. 9. City, Alexander Papers, RU. 10. Paul Laraque, interview by author, 5 Général Paul Eugène Magloire, 10. Bernardin, July 2000, New York City. 234 Notes to Pages 145- 53 2001, 8. Herby Port-au-Prince; Le Montée, 6 January 1956; Diederich, interview by author, 13 July 1999, Bon Papa, 122 - 68. Alexander, 3 December 1971, New York Paul E. Magloire, interview by Robert J. 9. City, Alexander Papers, RU. 10. Paul Laraque, interview by author, 5 Général Paul Eugène Magloire, 10. Bernardin, July 2000, New York City. 234 Notes to Pages 145- 53 --- Page 250 --- Bonhomme, Révolution et contrerévolution, 13. 11. 12. Le Nouvelliste, 14 January 1954. Zoumaras, "Path to PanameriEisenhower and Latin America, chap. 5; 13. Rabe, canism," 4. Support for Implementation of Robert Amory to H. S. Craig, "Intelligence 14. Courses of Action with respect to Latin America," NSC144/1, U.S. Objectives and Central File Series, NSC Papers, Box 74, Coordinating Board March 1953, Operations DDEL. America," 20 January 1955, OperaSee "The Machinery for Soviet-Control-Latin. 15. Central File Series, NSC Papers, Box 72, DDEL. tions Coordinating Board attachment to John H. Burns to Department of 16. Port-au-Prince Times, 13 June 1951, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59.738.00/7-1451. State, 14 July 1951, Casimir, interview by author, 14 June 2003, 17. Le Matin, 6 January 1951; Rodrigue Port-au-Prince. May 2001, Pétionville. See Georges Petit's 18. Max D. Sam, interview by author, 17 of the PSP November 1950, for comments on the repression editorial in L'Action, 30 members. interview by author, 17 May 2001, Pétionville. 19. Max D. Sam, Hector, et socialisme, 88. 20. Syndicalisme Ambassador, 12 December 1951, Port-au21. Slator C. Blackiston Jr. to American AFFAIRS. Prince, USNA, RG 84, 350/POLITICAL author, 2 May 2001, Port-au-Prince; Hecinterview by 22. Andrée Roumer-Innocent, tor, Syndicalisme et socialisme, 87. "Re: Lack of Freedom of the Press in Haiti," 23- Homer Gayne to Hobart Spalding, Andrée RoumerPort-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 738.00/11-2451; 24 November 1951, Port-au-Prince. Innocent, interview by author, 2 May 2001, who married Alexis from Andrée Roumer-Innocent, 24. This is based on information form the PEP. See Robert S. Folsom to after his return. Alexis would later help to shortly Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59.738.00/6-2653 Department of State, 26 June 1952, New York City. Paul Laraque, interview by author, 5 July 2000, 25. in Diederich and Burt, Papa Doc, 313. 26. PPLN manifesto quoted Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG Folsom to of State, 11 June 1952, 27- Robert Department of the Minister of Interior See also the transcript of the speech and the 59, 738.00/6-1152. conference denouncing Depestre Mauclair Zépherin, at the government press of State, 16 June 1952, outlined in Robert Folsom to Department Haitian communists, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59.738.00/6-1652. Port-au-Prince, USNA, Robert Folsom to Department of State, 26 June 1952, 28. See RG 59,7 738.00/6-2652. 29. Bordes, Haiti, 253. from Le Matin, 22 January 1952; Le NouInformation on this incident is drawn of State, 22 30. Slater C. Blackiston Jr. to Department velliste, 18, 19, and 21 January 1952; AFFAIRS; Bordes, Haiti, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 84, 350/POLITICAL January 1952, 255, 386-88. of State, 22 January 1952, Port-au-Prince, 31. Slater C. Blackiston Jr. to Department AFFAIRS. USNA, RG 84, 350/POLITICAL Notes to Pages 153-57 235 of State, 22 30. Slater C. Blackiston Jr. to Department velliste, 18, 19, and 21 January 1952; AFFAIRS; Bordes, Haiti, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 84, 350/POLITICAL January 1952, 255, 386-88. of State, 22 January 1952, Port-au-Prince, 31. Slater C. Blackiston Jr. to Department AFFAIRS. USNA, RG 84, 350/POLITICAL Notes to Pages 153-57 235 --- Page 251 --- by Romain and two other members was re32. The resignation statement signed printed in Haiti Journal, 16 April 195333. Construction, 21 November 1951. in Robert Folsom to Department of 34- See, for example, the comments on Fignolé Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59.738.00/1-2253State, 22 January 1953, Also own descriptions of his proSee Auguste, La voix du M.O.P., 20. Fignolés 35. grams, Fignolé, Mon mandat. 36. Construction, 23 November 1952. Political Disturbances in Haiti," 14 Connett to Woodward and Cabot, "Recent 37. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59.738.00/1-1454 January 1954, 38. Désinor, Daniel Fignolé, 123of Carmen, attached to Details on this are taken from the statement Fignolé'swife, RG 39. Port-au-Prince, USNA, 59, Folsom to of State, 18 January 1954, Robert Department interview by author, 5 July 2000, New York City. 738.00/1-1854. and Paul Laraque, Doubout and Joly, Notes sur le développement, 30. RG 40. of State, 26 January 1951, Kingston, USNA, 59, 41. Robert Y. Brown to Department 738.11/1-2651. Pierre Audain, "Lettre de Estimé," 7 August 1951, 42. Dumarsais Estimé to Julio J. Kingston, typescript, BHFIC. where Jamaican and Haitian officials con43. On Estimé's year in exile in Jamaica, On his exile in Dunham, Island Possessed, 52-57. stantly watched him, see the discussion State staunch support Estimé, Dumarsais Estimé, chap. 4. The Department's in general see in Dean Acheson to William DeCourcy, 4 October of Magloire over Estimé is revealed Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 59.738.00/10-452RG 1952, R. Wellman, 12 May 1953, New York City, USNA, 44. Dumarsais Estimé to Harvey New York City, USNA, RG 59, Wellman to Estimé, 13 May 1953, and Con59, 738.00/5-1253; between Estimé, Wellman, "Memorandum of Conversation about 738.00/5-1353; For Estimé's apprehensions nett," 27 January 1953, USNA, RG 59, 738.00/1-27531950, Paris, Box A295, United States, see Estimé to Walter White, 24 July going to the folder 4, NAACP Papers, LC. June 1951, Port-au-Prince, USNA, American Ambassador to C. G. Follansbee, 15 45. AFFAIRS. RG 59, 350/POLITICAL. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 46. John H. Burns to Secretary or State, 29 May 1951, USNA, RG 84, John H. Burns to Department of State, 16 June 1951, 738.00/5:2 2951; Dorsinville, Marche arrière, 45. 738.00/0-1651; Le Matin, 30 June 1951; of the army who regularly attended For an account of this period from a member 47. the meetings, see Pierre, Témoignages, 42. 48. Ibid. 49. Ibid., 41. Trouillot, Haiti: State against Nation, 149. 50. Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, XV. view include 51. States, Writers who share this 52. Plummer, Haiti and the United 143that under Magloire "Broadcasting in Haiti," chap. 3, who sympathetically argues Hartt, in Haiti's history as an independent Haitians "enjoyed the highest level of prosperity 180- 81; Averill, Day for the Hunter, nation." " Also see Rotberg, Haiti: The Politics of Squalor 236 Notes to Pages 158-63 149. 50. Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, XV. view include 51. States, Writers who share this 52. Plummer, Haiti and the United 143that under Magloire "Broadcasting in Haiti," chap. 3, who sympathetically argues Hartt, in Haiti's history as an independent Haitians "enjoyed the highest level of prosperity 180- 81; Averill, Day for the Hunter, nation." " Also see Rotberg, Haiti: The Politics of Squalor 236 Notes to Pages 158-63 --- Page 252 --- and Bernardin, Général Paul Eugène Magloire, 119 - 32, 70; Manigat, Haiti of the Sixties, 40; Trouillot, Haiti: State against Nation, - 84, passim. Compare 137- - 40, 145 48, 153-58, 177between the "economic crisis" and socio139-43, whose emphasis on the relationship in this section. Gérald Pierreissues in the fifties has influenced the analysis in the political framework, first pointed to the problems Charles, writing from a dependency haitana. See also Dupuy, Haiti in the economic structure during the fifties, in La economia chemins de la mémoire: Haiti avant and the interviews in Les World Economy, 153-55, Duvalier. V. Bernardin, Général Paul Eugène Magloire, 53- Plummer, Haiti and the United States, 167. Walter White in 54. of this owed much to the ardor of the NAACP and 55. The realization made and in Haiti from as who began to push for the film to be premiered Box NAACP particular, Estimé, 12 January 1947, A295, early as 1947. See Walter White to Dumarsais Papers, LC. See also Goldberg, "Commercial Folklore and 56. Lacombe, "Le tourisme en Haiti," 4. and Polyné, "Modernizing the Race," 79-84. Voodoo in Haiti," 144, taken from Pérez, On Becoming Cuban, 167; 57- These figures are based on estimates 160; Les étapes d'un relèvement, 83; Schroeder, Cuba, 462; Taylor, To Hell with Paradise, "Le tourisme en Haiti," 4de la république d'Haiti, 68; and Lacombe, Guide économique noted anti-yaws program There were, of course, exceptions such as the previously 58. the Albert Schweitzer Hospital, in Deschapelles. and the construction of a rural hospital, Peasants and Poverty, 307 -8. For details on the Five Year Plan see Lundahl, New York 59. interview by Robert J. Alexander, 3 December 1971, 60. Paul E. Magloire, Alexander Papers, RU; Les étapes d'un relèvement, 144. in City, For a discussion on ISI developments elsewhere 61. Haitian Economy in 1954, 2. Bethell, Latin America, and Mandle, Latin America and the Caribbean see, for example, Patterns of Caribbean Development. 62. Haitian Economy in 1954, 5. Report of the International Review "An Economic Program for the Americas: 63. Board, 1954." 7, Bohan Papers, Box 1, HSTL. Advisory haîtienne; Trouillot, Haiti: State against Nation, 141. 64. Moral, Le paysan 65. Dupuy, Haiti in the World Economy, 15566. Rabe, Eisenhower and Latin America, 95. La economia haitiana, 151. 67. Dupuy, Haiti in the World Economy, 156; Pierre-Charles, in New York Times, 5 January 1957. See also the article, "Haiti retrenches after poor year," 'United States Assistance to Foster Dulles, "Memorandum for the President, 68. John 1954, Ann Whitman File, Dulles-Hector Haiti since Hurricane Hazel," 1 November Series, Box 4, DDEL; Les étapes d'un relèvement, 23-28. 69. Les étapes d'un relèvement, 145. Lundahl also points out that during this period 70. Lundahl, Peasants and Poverty, 629. Republic also expanded islands such as Cuba and the Dominican outmigration to other tremendously. et socialisme, 190 -91. 71. See the tables in Hector, Syndicalisme d'un relèvement, 109. UNESCO Statistical Yearbook, 17; Les étapes 72. from Haiti in the World Economy, 154. 73- These figures are taken Dupuy, Notes to Pages 163-66 237 145. Lundahl also points out that during this period 70. Lundahl, Peasants and Poverty, 629. Republic also expanded islands such as Cuba and the Dominican outmigration to other tremendously. et socialisme, 190 -91. 71. See the tables in Hector, Syndicalisme d'un relèvement, 109. UNESCO Statistical Yearbook, 17; Les étapes 72. from Haiti in the World Economy, 154. 73- These figures are taken Dupuy, Notes to Pages 163-66 237 --- Page 253 --- 74. L'Arène, 28 April 1956. 75. Roger Baldwin to Robert Murphy, 738.00/5-1754. 17 May 1954, Washington, USNA, RG 59, 76. Time, 22 February 1954, 46. 77. "Memorandum from the director of the Office of Middle begin) to the Assistant Secretary of State for American Affairs (New1955, Washington, D.C., FRUS, Inter-American. Affairs (Holland)," 5 January 78. Milton Barrall to 1955-57, 6:931-32. Department of State, 7 59, 738.00/2-755. For Fignolé's February 1955, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 1954. preelection comments, see Indépendance, 13 December 79. Désinor, Daniel Fignolé, 116. 80. Milton Barrall to Department of State, 7 January 59.738.00/1-7551955, Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 81. Trouillot, Haiti: State against Nation, 82. "Memorandum of a Conversation," 142-43. 1955-57, 6:947. 3 December 1956, Washington, D.C., FRUS, 83. L'Arène, 28 April 1956. 84. See the bulletins attached to Milton Barrall Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG to Department of State, 22 May 1956, 59, 738.00/5-2256. 85.See the reports in L'Arène, 30 May 1956; Le Montée, 26 May 1956; Milton Barrall to of May 1956; Indépendance, 23 RG 59, 738.00/5-2256. Department State, 22 May 1956, Port-au-Prince, USNA, 86. Ibid.; New York Times, 23 May 1956; Le 87. This expression, Matin, 22 May 1956. used to refer to the nonviolent comes from Dorsinville, Marche arrière, resistance of the student leaders, 88. Milton Barrall to 45. Department of State, 23 May 1956, 59.738.00/5:2256. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 89. See "Declaration-Louis Déjoie and script, Mangonès Collection, BHPSE. François Duvalier," 6 December 1956, type90. See the bulletin of the Parti Progressiste Department of State, 8 June 1956, National, attached to Milton Barrall to Port-au-Prince, 91. Le Matin, 15 November 738.00/6-856. Duvalier orders the 1957. See also Le Matin, 1 July 1957; torture of journalist Yvonne Zéphir, "Dictator The year 1956 was a turning point in the Haitian Hakime Rimpel," in Haitian Women, 18. at least two feminist papers women's movement. Since 1952, in fact, the Ligue Feminin d'action appeared in Port-au-Prince, La Voix des Femmes, the of Sociale, and Escale. For organ during this period see also Bouchereau, discussion on the Haiti et ses and developments 42- -43. femmes, Chancy, Framing Silence, 92. See the reports in the regional papers, Le and 23 November 1956, and Ralliement Rampart (Les Cayes), 12 October and 9 Duvalier's declaration to (Gonaives), 19 November 1956. For reactions run, see, for example, the editorial in to September 1956. Fignolé's Indépendance, 13 93. J. Paul Barringer to Department of USNA, RG State, 21 November 1956, Port-au-Prince, of 59.738.00/1-2156;) J. Paul Barringer to meeting with Col. Levelt," 21 November Department of State, "Memorandum 1956, USNA, RG.39.738.00/1/2195. 238 Notes to Pages 166-71 run, see, for example, the editorial in to September 1956. Fignolé's Indépendance, 13 93. J. Paul Barringer to Department of USNA, RG State, 21 November 1956, Port-au-Prince, of 59.738.00/1-2156;) J. Paul Barringer to meeting with Col. Levelt," 21 November Department of State, "Memorandum 1956, USNA, RG.39.738.00/1/2195. 238 Notes to Pages 166-71 --- Page 254 --- 94. Diederich and Burt, Papa Doc, 77Rubottom, Neal and Phil- "Memorandum of Conversation, Mauclair Zépherin, 95. Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 59.738.00/12-1156. lipe," 11 December 1956, 1956, DDEL; editor's note, D. Eisenhower, OF, Box 186, 11 December 96. Dwight FRUS, 1955- - 57, 6:948. is commonplace in works on Duvalier and his Extensive discussion of the election State 97. include Abbott, Haiti, 62-68; Trouillot, Haiti: against regime. The better accounts account of the events is offered in Désinor, Nation, 144-56. A full and enlightening article, "Class analysis is found in Bellegarde-Smith's L'affaire Jumelle. A provocative Révolution et contrerévolution Struggle:" " Relevant documents are collected in Bonhomme, also Duvalier, Souvenirs d'une and Célestin, Compilations pour l'histoire. See en Haiti, collection of his speeches and photocampagne and (Euvres essentielles, for a thorough candidates and insights on the social during his campaign. For interviews with the graphs The Prize, 1-109. context of the period, see Diederich, 98. Trouillot, Haiti: State against Nation, 145. "Class Struggle;" 116. 99. Bellegarde-Smith, 17 December 1956. 100. See, for example, Indépendance, of State, 26 March 1957, Port-au-Prince, USNA, 101. J. Paul Barringer to Department RG 59.738.00/3-2657- "Duvalier est un dictature," in Foi Sociale, 7 January 102. See, for example, the article 1957. "TIM TIM BOIS SECHE," Mangonès Collection, BHPSE. 103. Taken from the tract, double entendre, referring to both a bedpan and The term "Captain' en bas Caban" is a under his bed waiting "Duvalier preferred to hide, trembling Duvalier's years in hiding. this man can be president? fell. Haitians don't like cowards . : and they say until kansonfè Ladies and Gentlemen, No! No! No!" 104. Mopisme Intégral, 10 May 1957. il etait communiste communisant;" 105. See the tract "Daniel Fignolé-Hier. Quand Mangonès Collection, BHPSE. 1957, Mangonès Collection, taken from tract "Le pays haîtien," 4 January 106. Quotes BHPSE. 107. Manigat, Haiti of the Sixties, 43. Collection, BHPSE. 108. Taken from a tract labeled "Duvalier," Mangonès and in Doubout and Joly, Notes sur le développement 32-33, 109. See the discussion Hector, Syndicalisme et socialisme, 94-95. Pétionville. D. Sam, interview by author, 17 May 2001, 110. Max Situation," quoted in Diedrich and Burt, Papa Doc, 111. "PPLN-Analysis of the Haitian 333205. Alexis's role in the campaign was Bonjour et adieu à la négritude, 112. Depestre, weakened the collective efforts of the Marxist the cause of much controversy and further Port-au-Prince. interview by author, 2 May 2001, Left. Andrée Roumer-Innocent, his aristocratic background he was 113. Déjoie and his supporters argued that despite social reformer concerned more of the extreme right, but rather a not a representative Louis Déjoie, interview by Robert J. Alexander, 29 with production than vain promises. October 1958, New York City, Alexander Papers, RU. Notes to Pages 171 1-75 239 weakened the collective efforts of the Marxist the cause of much controversy and further Port-au-Prince. interview by author, 2 May 2001, Left. Andrée Roumer-Innocent, his aristocratic background he was 113. Déjoie and his supporters argued that despite social reformer concerned more of the extreme right, but rather a not a representative Louis Déjoie, interview by Robert J. Alexander, 29 with production than vain promises. October 1958, New York City, Alexander Papers, RU. Notes to Pages 171 1-75 239 --- Page 255 --- Bonhomme, Révolution et contrérevolution, 197-210. 114. Haiti Sun, 31 March 1957; Le Matin, 31 March 1957. USNA, RG 115. to Secretary of State, 25 April 1957, Port-au-Prince, 116. J. Paul Barringer 59.738.00/4-257Mangonès Collection, BHPSE. 117. "Procès Verbal," 15 April 1957, typescript, Haiti, 9 May 1957, Mangonès Collec118. The original speech appears in La Nouvelle Haiti: The Politics of Squalor, 191. translation, see Rotberg, tion, BHPSE. For a full English 119. New York Times, 16 May 1957. Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 59, 120. Harold Aron to Joseph Montillor, 16 April 1957, for the President," 2 May 1957, Christian A. Herter, "Memorandum DDEL. 738.00/4-1657: Records, White House Office Files, Box 2, Office of the Staff Secretary Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, Gerald Drew to Secretary of State, 14 May 1957, 121. 738.00/5-1457122. Le Matin, 20 May 1957. Déclaration Bureau Politique Louis Déjoie," 99 123- "A nos frères de Casernes Dessalines, 22-23 May 1957, Mangonès Collection, BHPSE. came to a civil war during the For details of this battle, the closest the country 124. des vépres, and Pierre, Témoinages, 81 -92. election, see Noel, Les responsables Révolution et contrévolution en Haiti, 335. 125. Bonhomme, used in this paragraph is based on video 126. The description of Fignolexinauguration à 1957." Video no. 707, Video Collection, footage of the event entitled "Événements 1946 BHPSE, and the description in Mopisme Integral, 31 May 1957. of State for Inter-American "Memorandum from the Acting Assistant Secretary 127. of State (Herter):" 15 May 1957, Washington, Affairs (Rubottom) to the Under Secretary D.C., FRUS, 1955 - 57, 6:953128. New York Times, 6, 9, and 12 June 1957. Hotspot, Life, 23 June the lead article "Chaos in a Caribbean 129. See, for example, 1957. Meeting of the National Security CounMemorandum, "Discussion at the 325th 130. Ann Whitman File, NSC Series, Box 8, DDEL. cil, May 27, 1957." 28 May 1957, 131. Ibid. Didier Raguenet to Julian Fromer," 29 May "Memorandum of Conversation, 132. Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 59, 5-2957. Allan 1957, R. T. Davis, Julian Fromer, and Stewart," "Memorandum of Conversation, of 133RG For a lengthy discussion Washington, D.C., USNA, 59.738.00/5-315731 May 1957, to U.S. interests in Haiti, see also "Memoranthe implications of the Fignolé government Elmer Loughlin, and Ernest Conversation, with Rubottom, Frank Cusumano, dum of Washington, D.C., 738.00/6-1057Gutierrez," 10 June 1957, of State, "Views of President Daniel Fignolé 134. George H. Alexander to Department USNA, RG 59,7 738.00/6-1357on Political Parties," 13 June 1957, Port-au-Prince, resignation in Pittscommentary on Magloire's 135. See the surprisingly superficial discussion of U.S. black attitudes to political burgh Courier, 22 December 1956, and the the civil rights era in Von Eschen, Race developments elsewhere in the diaspora during against Empire, 164- 65. Laguerre, Military and Society in Haiti, 96. 136. 240 Notes to Pages 176-81 NA, RG 59,7 738.00/6-1357on Political Parties," 13 June 1957, Port-au-Prince, resignation in Pittscommentary on Magloire's 135. See the surprisingly superficial discussion of U.S. black attitudes to political burgh Courier, 22 December 1956, and the the civil rights era in Von Eschen, Race developments elsewhere in the diaspora during against Empire, 164- 65. Laguerre, Military and Society in Haiti, 96. 136. 240 Notes to Pages 176-81 --- Page 256 --- USNA, to Secretary of State, 12 June 1957, Port-au-Prince, 137- See Hobart Spalding RG 59.738.00/6-1257138. Pierre, Témoignages, 106-7. Le Matin, 15 June 1957; New York Times, 15 June 1957. BHPSE; 139. Antonio Kébreau, 29 June 1957, Mangonès Collection, 140. Daniel Fignolé to 19 June 1957, New York City, Alexander Daniel Fignolé, interview by Robert J. Alexander, Papers, RU. Robert J. Alexander, 5 May 1959, New York City, 141. Daniel Fignolé, interview by 22 June 1957, New York, Alexander Papers, RU; Daniel Fignolé to Dwight D. Eisenhower, Elizabeth Schermeron "Memorandum of ConversationUSNA, RG 59, 738.00/6-2257; Washington, D.C., USNA, RG 59, and Julian P. Fromer, Re: Daniel Fignolé," 24 June 1957, and several other exiled politi738.00/6-2457. From New York, where Magloire, Fignolé, of alliances were formed remained during the rest of the campaign, a series cal leaders of Duvalier's election. A richly former enemies, all with the aim preventing among of the exiled leaders is given by one of Jumelle's detailed account of the activities and Magloire in New York. See Paquin, partisans who worked closely both with Fignolé in Vertical See also the article, "Presidents in Exile," Ebony(n.d.), Haitians, chaps. 20-21; File-Haiti, SCRBC. official five days before the event, Minister 142. In a conversation with a U.S. embassy was afoot to offer Fignolé the confessed that a move Jean Dauphin, a Duvalier supporter, Jean Dauphin and Julian Fromer," 20 presidency. See "Memorandum of Conversation, This evidence suggests that Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 738.00/5-2057to May 1957, in advance but did not anticipate the movel by Déjoie Cantave had agreed with the plan exploit the political cleavages within the army. Gun-The Peace of Death," Nation, 6 July See Carleton Beals, "Haiti under the USNA, RG 143. Drew to Secretary of State, 16 June 1957, Port-au-Prince, 1957. See also Gerald 59.738.00/6-1657. and Time, 24 June 1957. ofthe New Foster Dulles, "Memorandum to the President, Re-Recognition 144. John Washington, D.C., Box 9, Dulles-Hector Series, Government of Haiti," 25 July 1957, Dulles, Papers, DDEL. 145. Pierre, Témoignages, 120. 146. New York Times, 3, 4, and 7 September 1957. 147. Pierre, Témoignages, 116. This view repeats an older argument "Class Struggle," 122. 148. Bellegarde-Smith, that "it was the opinion of the United States made by Rémy Bastien, who claimed middle-of-the-road reformer." Department of State that Haiti needed a middle-class, and Manigat, Haiti of the Courlander and Bastien, Religion and Politics in Haiti, 55, See Sixties, 43. whose actions were described as "communist 149. See the comments on Jumelle, Port-au-Prince, USNA, tactics" in J. Paul Barringer to Secretary of State, 9 February 1957, Portand J. Paul Barringer to Secretary of State, 12 February 1957, RG 59, 738.00/2- 957, frequently wrote letters to the Exiled Fignolists au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 738.00/2-1257the "communist leader." Anonymous to in which they called Duvalier State Department New York, USNA, RG 59.738.00/8-1657R. R. Rubottom, 16 August 1957, Notes to Pages 181 -83 241 Portand J. Paul Barringer to Secretary of State, 12 February 1957, RG 59, 738.00/2- 957, frequently wrote letters to the Exiled Fignolists au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 738.00/2-1257the "communist leader." Anonymous to in which they called Duvalier State Department New York, USNA, RG 59.738.00/8-1657R. R. Rubottom, 16 August 1957, Notes to Pages 181 -83 241 --- Page 257 --- Haiti to the Director of the Office of 150. "Letter from the Ambassador in (Drew) July 18, 1957, > FRUS, 1955 - 57, 6:959. Middle American Affairs (Wieland), Port-au-Prince, 151. Ibid., 960. between Chargé d'Affaires and Mr. Eric See "Memorandum of Conversation 152. Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 738.00/4 -2557- Local critiTippenhauer" 24 April 1957, is the substance of the tract "Le cism of Duvalier's link with the business community dollars de O. J. Brandt, 33 Mangonès Voyage de Duvalier au Cap ou le triomphe des which mentions regular meetCollection, BHPSE. See also Pierre, Témoignages, 116, also Haitians, 151-5 52, Duvalier held with members of the bourgeoisie. See Paquin, from milat busiings Duvalier to win without accepting support who suggests that managed nesspeople. Duvalier, Souvenir d'une campagne, 206, 210. 153. of the election see "Charges of Fraud in Haitian 154. For the U.S. embassy's report III to Department of State, 24 Elections of September 22, 1957, Virgil P. Randolph Port-au-Prince, USNA, RG 59, 738.00/10-1457October 1957, of State, 20 September 1957, Port-au-Prince, USNA, 155-J.F Paul Barringer to Secretary RG 59, 738.00/9-2057of State, 14 October 1957, Port-au-Prince, 156. Virgil Randolph III to Department Dessalines to Duvalier, 209; Heinl and Nicholls, From USNA, RG 59, 738.00/10-1457: Heinl, Written in Blood, 548. Conclusion Port-au-Prince, USNA, III to Secretary of State, 17 December 1957, 1. Virgil Randolph and the debate over it are also recounted in NichRG 59, 738.00/12-1757- The proposal olls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, 235. the fifties and early sixties were murdered 2. A staggering number of militants from of the severity of the terror and its on Duvalier's orders. For a compelling examination Haiti: jamais, jamais plus. leaders in Haiti, see Pierre-Charles, effect on progressive 9) 3- See, for example, Hector, "Charisme." 4- Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 5Whitney, State and Revolution, and On this era in Cuban history see, for example, 5Farber, Origins. and the rise in radicalism in Jamaica from indepen6. For example, political contests echoes of the in Haiti decades earlier. dence through the end of the 1970S feature process Radicalism and Social in Jamaica is treated well in Gray, The history of radical politics to the study of Caribbean radicalChange in Jamaica, which has influenced my approach and Brown, Perspectives on JaAmbivalent Anti-Colonialism; Stone ism. See also Fraser, and Political Thought; and Meeks, Radical Caribmaica; Lewis, Walter Rodney's Intellectual Nationalism. bean. On Trinidad, see, for example, Ryan, Race and 242 Notes to Pages 183-94 echoes of the in Haiti decades earlier. dence through the end of the 1970S feature process Radicalism and Social in Jamaica is treated well in Gray, The history of radical politics to the study of Caribbean radicalChange in Jamaica, which has influenced my approach and Brown, Perspectives on JaAmbivalent Anti-Colonialism; Stone ism. See also Fraser, and Political Thought; and Meeks, Radical Caribmaica; Lewis, Walter Rodney's Intellectual Nationalism. bean. 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The Hero and the Crowd in a Colonial 487-91. Yale University Press, 1968. Polity. New Haven, Conn.: Saint Armand, Edris. Essai d'explication de Imprimerie de L'État, "Dialogues de mes lampes. Port-au-Prince: 1942. "Un siècle de constitutions 1985). haîtiennes, 1883-1983." - Le Petit Samedi Soir 598 (April 258 Bibliography --- Page 274 --- Smith, Matthew J. "From Dessalines to Duvalier Revisited: Retrospective." Journal of Haitian Studies A Quarter Century Starobin, Joseph R. American 13, no. 1 (Spring 2007): 27- 39. Communism in Crisis, California Press, 1972. 1943-1957. Berkeley: University of Stone, Carl, and Aggrey Brown, eds. Jamaica Publishing Perspectives on Jamaica in the Seventies. House, 1981. Kingston: Taylor, Frank Fonda. To Hell With Paradise: A History Pittsburgh: of the Jamaican Tourist University of Pittsburgh Press, Industry. Tèt kole ti peyizan ayisyen. Dosye Chef 1993. Elimine. Lawrence: Seksyon: Chef Seksyon- Yon system ki merite University of Kansas Institute of Haitian Papers, June 1995. Studies Occasional Trouillot, Hénock. Dimensions et limites de Fardin, Jacques Roumain. Port-au-Prince: 1975. Éditions Trouillot, Michel-Rolph. "Culture, Color, and Politics in Haiti." In Gregory and Roger Sanjek, 146- 74. New Race, ed. Steven 1994. Brunswick, NJ.: Rutgers University Press, "Jeux de mots, jeux de class: les mouvances de (1993): 29-48. T'indigénisme." Conjonction 197 Haiti: State against Nation. New York: Turits, Richard Lee. Foundations Monthly Review Press, 1990. in Dominican of Despotism: Peasants, the Trujillo Regime, and History. Stanford: Stanford Modernity "A World University Press, 2003. Destroyed, A Nation Imposed: The 1937 Haitian Dominican Republic." Hispanic American Massacre in the 2002); 589-635. Historical Review 82, no. 3 (November Vega, Bernardo. Trujilloy Haiti. Vol. 1 (1930-1937). Santo Dominicana, 1988. Domingo: Fundacion Cultural Verna, Chantalle Francesca. "Haiti's 'Second American Independence' and the Promise of PanCo-operation, 1934-1956." " Ph.D diss., State Vincent, Sténio. Efforts et résultats. Port-au-Prince: Michigan University, 2005. En posant les jalons. 5 vols. Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie de L'État, 1938. Von Eschen, Penny M. Race against Imprimerie de L'État, 1939 -45. Empire: Black Americans and 1957. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, Anticolonialism, 1937Watkins, Mark H. "The Social Role of Color in 1997. Monthly Haiti-Some Facts and Summary of Events and Trends in Race Relations Impressions." 250- - 51. 3, no. 8 (March 1946): Weil, Thomas E. Haiti: A Country Study. American University, Washington, D.C.: Foreign Area Studies, 1982. Weston, Rubin Francis. Racism in U.S. Imperialism: The American Foreign Policy, 1893- -1946. Columbia: Influence of Racial Assumptions on 1972. University of South Carolina Press, Whitney, Robert. 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"Class Structure and Class Conflict in Haitian Society." Social Forces 43, no. 3 (March 1965): 338-4 47. Wood, Bryce. The Making of the Good Neighbor Policy. New York: Columbia University Press, 1961. Zoumaras, Thomas. "The Path to Panamericanism: Eisenhower's Foreign Economic Policy Toward Latin America." Ph.D. diss., University of Connecticut, 1987. 260 Bibliography --- Page 276 --- INDEX Note: Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations. Acau, Jean-Jacques, 198 (n. 6) Amicale club, L, 58, 83 Action, L', 131 Analyse schématique, L', 19-21, 200 (n. 31) Action National, L', 24 Anarchy, 17, 177 Action Radicale, L', 41 "Anciens jeunes" (song), 60 Adelina (empress), 40 Anticolonialism: of Griots, 25-26; in ADEM. See Association des Étudiants en Jamaica, 194; of Parti Communiste Médecine, Pharmacie et Art Dentaire Haîtien, 93 under African Diaspora, 193 Anticommunism, Haitian, 16-23; African heritage: Griots on, 24 27, 37; in Estimé, 129-31, 141; under Magloire, Magloire's presidency, 152; romantici152, 154- 55; repeal of, 99; under Vinzation of, 8 cent, 16-17,20-23 African political systems, 25-27 Anticommunism, U.S.: effects on radical Agriculture: under Magloire, 164 - 66; movements, 3 -4, 189; and Fignolé's rubber cultivation in, 43-47,45 presidency, 179 - 80; rise of Marxism Agriculture, U.S. Department of, 44 and, 15, 18; and support for Magloire, Aid, U.S., 113-15, 166 154-55 Ainsi parla l'oncle (Price-Mars), ,8-9 Anti-Haitianism: in Dominican Republic, Air Force, 178 29-30, 203-4 4 (n. 83) Air travel, 107-8 Anti-Imperialist League of Mexico, 21 Alexander, Raymond Pace, 82 Anti-liberalism, 26- - 27 Alexander, Robert, 134 Arab-Haitians, 4, 223 (n. Aid, U.S., 113-15, 166 154-55 Ainsi parla l'oncle (Price-Mars), ,8-9 Anti-Haitianism: in Dominican Republic, Air Force, 178 29-30, 203-4 4 (n. 83) Air travel, 107-8 Anti-Imperialist League of Mexico, 21 Alexander, Raymond Pace, 82 Anti-liberalism, 26- - 27 Alexander, Robert, 134 Arab-Haitians, 4, 223 (n. 11) Alexis, Jacques Stephen, 73 -79, 81; in Arbenz, Jacobo, 154-55, 180 1946 elections, 89, 93; in 1957 elecArbes musiciens, Les (Alexis), 187 tions, 175; death of, 187; education of, Archival sources, 2, 3 127; on imperialism, 93; in labor Aristide, Jean-Bertrand, 193, 195 movement, 88; under Magloire, 156; Armand, Durcé, 35, 36, 42, 67 Marxism of, 73; in medical school, 73; Armand, Pierre, 178 on noirisme, 87; in revolution of 1946, Armée d'Haiti, 137, 145 71,7 76-79; in La Ruche, 75 Armour, Norman, 115, 117 Alexis, Nord, 153 Army: in 1957 elections, 176-85; and FigAlexis, Stephen, 73 nolé's presidency, 180- - 81. See also Alliance Démocratique, 174 Armée d'Haiti; Garde d'Haiti; Military Alphonse, Fénélon, 152 rule American Civil Liberties Union, 55 Arts: black consciousness in, 59-61, 106Americanization, 50, 53 7, 192 --- Page 277 --- Assaut, L', 24 180; influence of Haiti on, 193; on Association Démocratique Haîtienne, 55 Lescot regime, 55; on revolution of Association des Étudiants en Médecine, 1946, 82; Roumain supported by, 21; Pharmacie et Art Dentaire (ADEM), on Vincent dictatorship, 36; during 73, 157 World War II, 57 Atlantic Charter, 54 Black consciousness: and anti-superstition Auguste, Tancrède, 15 campaign, 48; in arts, 59-61, 106-7, Augustin, Rémy, 49 192; under Estimé, 104 - 8; governAuthenticity: cultural and racial, 25 ment promotion of, 106- - 7; under Authentiques: and economic policy, 113; Lescot, 40, 56-61; under Magloire, Fignolé's criticism of, 121-22; under 152; opportunity for change through, Magloire, 159-61; meaning of, 108- -9; 2. See also Color and color divisions versus milat elite, 117-21; noirisme of, Black Haitians. See Intellectuals, Haitian; 109; origins of term, 224 (n. 26); and Middle-class blacks; Non-elite blacks second term for Estimé, 140 Black Jacobins, The (James), 57-58 Authoritarianism, 29, 140 Black market, 118 Averill, Gage, 60 Black nationalism. See Noirisme Black power: authentiques and, 109; conBaguidy, Joseph, 110 tradictory nature of, 116-17; equiBaker, Théodore, 74-77, 81, 85,93,229 librium through, 105-6; Les Griots on, (n. second term for Estimé, 140 Black Jacobins, The (James), 57-58 Authoritarianism, 29, 140 Black market, 118 Averill, Gage, 60 Black nationalism. See Noirisme Black power: authentiques and, 109; conBaguidy, Joseph, 110 tradictory nature of, 116-17; equiBaker, Théodore, 74-77, 81, 85,93,229 librium through, 105-6; Les Griots on, (n. 110) 105; milat elite challenged by, 105, Balaguer, Joaquin, 31 109; nationalization of, 104-8 Banana industry, 29, 47, 115-16 Black presidents: meaning of, 105 - 6; Bank, national, 114, 179 need for, 41, 207 (n. 3) Barbot, Clément, 167 Black supremacy, 121 Bartlett, Harley Harris, 44 Blanchet, Jules, 56, 86, 99, 135 Bastien, Rémy, 210 (n. 50), 241 (n. 148) Blanchet, Lina Mathion, 59 Batista, Fulgencio, 30, 156 Bloncourt, Gérald, 81; in Combat, 85; in Bauduy, Marcel, 53 exile, 85; radicalism of, 74; in revoluBauxite, 165 tion of 1946, 76-79, 82-83; in La Bazile, Robert, 67, 103, 137 Ruche, 75 Beals, Carleton, 182 Bloncourt, Tony, 74 Beaubrun, Théodore, 83 Blum, Léon, 63, 122 Beaufils, George, 75, 81 Bontemps, Arna, 57 Beaulieu, Christian, 16, 19, 36, 51, 56, 199 Borders, 29 - 30, 34, 203-4(n. 83) (n. 8), 212 (n. 89) Bordes, Léon "Ti-Roi,145-46, 160 Beauvoir, Vilfort (foreign minister), 143 Borno, Louis, 35,40, 110 Béhague, Gérard, 60 Bourgeoisie. See Elite Bellegarde, Dantès, 27, 61, 82, 151 Bourjolly, Fritz, 22 Bellegarde- -Smith, Patrick, 172, 183 Bourjolly, H., 90 Bernardin, Raymond, 163 Boyer, Jean-Pierre, 29 Bicentennial Exposition (1949-50), 107, Bradley, Francine, 36-37 141, 143-44 Brandt, O.J., 47, 118 Big Stick policy, 28 Breton, André, 75-76, 77, 82 Black Americans: on Fignolé's presidency, Brierre, Jean, 56, 78, 81 262 Index --- Page 278 --- Britain, 128 Lescot regime, 51-53; Magloire's Brouard, Carl, 24 -28 repression and, 155; Marxism of, 19, Browder, Earl, 229 (n. 115) 86 - 87; in Parti Socialiste Populaire, Bureau d'Ethnologie, 106- -7 86 -87, 134 Charlier, Philippe, 97, 137 Cacao, 166 Chauffeurs, 159, 167, 174 Caco resistance, 7, 10 Chauvet, Lucien, 146 Caducée, Le, 73 Chef de section, 67 Cagoulards (masked thugs), 185 Chenet, Gérald, 74,75, 76, 81 Cahiers d'Haiti, 56 Christophe, Henri, 144, 233 (n. 86 -87, 134 Charlier, Philippe, 97, 137 Cacao, 166 Chauffeurs, 159, 167, 174 Caco resistance, 7, 10 Chauvet, Lucien, 146 Caducée, Le, 73 Chef de section, 67 Cagoulards (masked thugs), 185 Chenet, Gérald, 74,75, 76, 81 Cahiers d'Haiti, 56 Christophe, Henri, 144, 233 (n. 182) Calixte, Démosthènes P., 35, 95- -97, 206 Civil war: 1957 threat of, 177-79 (n. 114), 221 (n. 131) Class, social: in 1957 elections, 169, 173- - Camille, Roussan, 56 74; color linked with, 4 -7, 105; in Cantave, Léon, 176, 178 Marxism, 20; of milat, 4, 198 (n. 6). Caribbean: black intellectuals of, 57-58; See also Elite; Middle-class blacks; patterns of resistance in, 194 Workers Caribe, El, 142 Classe Moyen et Masse, 88 Casernes Dessalines, 178 Club Intrepid, 73 Casimir, Lumane, 106, 223 (n. 13) Club Mopiste, 123, 127 Casimir, Rodrigue, 123 Clubs de dimanche, 58, 63 Casinos, 143-44 CMG. See Conseil Militaire de Cassagnol, Paul, 139 Gouvernement Caste system, 5 Coffee cultivation, 47, 143, 164-67 Castro, Fidel, 187, 194 Cold war, 104, 130, 155 Catholic church: anti-superstition camCollège Odéide, 93 Estimé's Colonialism. See Anticolonialism; Occupaign by, 47- - 50, 69; and presidency, 117-18; on Magloire's elecpation of Haiti by U.S. tion, 152; Parti Socialiste Populaire on, Color and color divisions: in 1946 elections, 92-93; in 1957 elections, 169, Cator, Sylvio, 81-82 173-74; in armed forces, 67; class in, CDN. See Comité de Défense Nationale 105; class linked with, 4-7, 105; CEG. See Conseil Exécutif Gouvernement Estimé on, 6-7, 111; Fignolé on, 65; in CEM. See Conseil Exécutif Militaire Lescot regime, 39 - 40, 42; in Marxism, Cement, 165 20, 127-28; Parti Communiste HaitCénacle D'Études, Le, 58 ien on, 87; Parti Socialiste Populaire Censorship, 156, 182 on, 87, 1341 - 35; politicians' avoidance Centre, Le, 17-18 of issue of, 43; politics of, 4 -7; versus Centre d'Art, 59,7 74, 108 race, 4; scholarly focus on, 4 -7, 193; Césaire, Aimé, 57,75 social functions of, 5-6 Chamber of Deputies: Estimé in, 110 - 11; Color prejudice: Estimé and, 119- 20, 135; Lescot in, 40; on Lescot's presidency, Lescot and, 42-43,58 Combat, 83-85, 84 Chantiers, 63 -66, 94, 105, 127, 142 Comité de Défense Nationale (CDN), Charlier, Étienne, 131; in 1946 elections, 90-91 89, 98; in 1950 elections, 142; during Comité de la Grève, 78 Index 263 119- 20, 135; Lescot in, 40; on Lescot's presidency, Lescot and, 42-43,58 Combat, 83-85, 84 Chantiers, 63 -66, 94, 105, 127, 142 Comité de Défense Nationale (CDN), Charlier, Étienne, 131; in 1946 elections, 90-91 89, 98; in 1950 elections, 142; during Comité de la Grève, 78 Index 263 --- Page 279 --- Comité Démocratique Féminin, 79 -80 Cuba: deportation of workers from, 30; on Communism. See. Anticommunism, HaitParti Communiste Haîtien, 84, 85, 218 ian; Anticommunism, U.S.; Marxism (n. 60); patterns of resistance in, 194; Communist Party of Haiti: attempts to revolution in, 187, 194; Roumain in, establish, 16, 19. See also Parti Com51; Socialist Party of, 87; tourism in, muniste Haïtien Communist Party of the United States Cultural difference, 57 (CPUSA), 16, 17, 51, 85, 218 (n. 61) Cultural nationalism, 8-9, 108 Communitarianism, African, 26 Culture, French, 8, 24-27 Conference of International Workers Culture, Haitian: in Bicentennial ExposiOrganizations, 54 tion, 107; black consciousness in, 58, Congress, U.S., 46 192; contemporary, 192-93; Estimé's Conjonction, 73 promotion of, 106 - 8; during Lescot Conseil Exécutif Gouvernement (CEG), regime, 58-61; political, 3, 191 92; 176-78 U.S. interest in, 107-8 Conseil Exécutif Militaire (CEM), 80-83; on 1946 elections, 81, 82, 89, 90; coup Dajabon, 30, 31 plots against, 96; establishment of, 80; Dalencour, François, 27, 83 on labor movement, 88; Lescot's resig- Dalencourt, Lelio, 104 nation obtained by, 80-81; on MarxDamien strike (1929), 9, 14,15,7 76 ists, 85; opposition to, 90-91; U.S. rec- Dams, 164, 166 ognition of, 82 Dance movement, 59-61 Conseil Militaire de Gouvernement Dartigue, Maurice, 44- -46,73 (CMG), 182-85 Dash, Michael, 53 Conservatism: of Magloire, 152; political Daumec, Lucien, 175 parties of, 83 David, Jean, 96, 97, 142, 161, 162, 224 Constant, Dorléans Juste, 19 (n. 25) Constitution: of 1805, 1; of 1932, 21-22, Davis, Roy Tasco, 177, 180 94, 97; 1942 suspension of, 43; 1944 Debt, national: under Estimé, 113-15; revision of, 54; of 1946, 96-97, 115, under Magloire, 165 DeCourcy, William, 147, 233 (n. 182) 140, 144 Construction, 158 De Gobineau, Arthur, 24, 25 Continental, Le, 44 Déjean, Joseph, 63, 109, 146 Cook, Mercer, 82 Déjoie, Louis: in 1957 elections, 169-78, Corps d'aviation, 66 181-85; in constitutional debates, 96; Corruption: in armed forces, 66-67; and Estimé opposed by, 1441 -45, 233 black power, 116- -17; under Estimé, (n. De Gobineau, Arthur, 24, 25 Continental, Le, 44 Déjean, Joseph, 63, 109, 146 Cook, Mercer, 82 Déjoie, Louis: in 1957 elections, 169-78, Corps d'aviation, 66 181-85; in constitutional debates, 96; Corruption: in armed forces, 66-67; and Estimé opposed by, 1441 -45, 233 black power, 116- -17; under Estimé, (n. 187); in exile, 187; Fignolé's crit110-11, 147-48; under Magloire, 166icism of, 100; Magloire opposed by, 169, 170; U.S. support for, 183 Corvée work system, 7 Demain, 86, 92 Coulanges, Ernst, 174 Demesmin, Castel, 97, 146 CPUSA. See Communist Party of the Democracy: first attempt to create, 104; United States under Magloire, 158, 170 Cri des nègres, le, 21 Denis, Lorimer: on 1946 elections, 95, 98; Cryptostegia vine, 43-44 at Bureau d'Ethnologie, 106 - 7; on 264 Index --- Page 280 --- Catholic church, 117; in Chantiers, 66; on equilibrium through black 1,7; on equilibrium through black 105; Estimé supported by, power, power, 105-6; as Estimé's successor, Griots, 105; in 161, 184; Estimé 23-28; in Les Griots, 104 -5; supported by, 105; during Magloire regime, 161; in MOP, Fignolé's split with, 127, 228 (n. 104); 104; in Parti Populaire Nationale, in Griots, 24 28; in Les Griots, 104-5; Depestre, René, 74 -77; in 1946 elections, 83 groundwork for election of, 161, 162; 89, 219 (n. 84); and 1957 elections, in labor ministry, 127; legacy of, 194; 175; education of, 127; under Magloire, during Magloire regime, 161, 162, 167; 156; in revolution of 1946, in Magloire's fall, 170; on Marxism, 76-77; in 27, La Ruche, 75, 76 (n. 69); in MOP, 94 -95, 104, 122, De Pradines, Kandjo, 127; in Parti Populaire Nationale, 83; De Pradines Morse, Emerante, as president for life, 187; on revolution Derby, Lauren, 203 (n. 83) 59, 77 of 1791-1 1804, 25; on revolution of Désinor, Clovis, 83 1946, 184; rise of, 161, 162; scholarly Desulmé, Thomas, 97 assessments of, 2; start of presidency, Diaquoi, Louis, 16, 23 3-24, 26 187; U.S. education of, 28; U.S. support Dictatorships: Breton for, 183-84 on, 76; of Magloire, Duvalier, 161-62; U.S. 4, 25; on revolution of Désinor, Clovis, 83 1946, 184; rise of, 161, 162; scholarly Desulmé, Thomas, 97 assessments of, 2; start of presidency, Diaquoi, Louis, 16, 23 3-24, 26 187; U.S. education of, 28; U.S. support Dictatorships: Breton for, 183-84 on, 76; of Magloire, Duvalier, 161-62; U.S. nonintervention and, Jean-Claude, 192, 194 of Vincent, 36-37 29; Duvigneaud, Frédéric, 35, 41 Djazz. See Music Dominican Republic: anti-Haitianism École Normale Supérieure, L; 112 29-30, 203-4 (n. 83); borders of, in, Economic aid, U.S., 113-15, 166 30, 34, 29- - Economic control: Haitian 203- 4 (n. 83); Haitian occupaby elite, 13; by tion of, 29; in massacre of U.S., 29, 113-14 1937, 29Economic decline: 33; opposition to Estimé in, 138-39, under Magloire, 16368 142-43; in World War II, 43. See also Economic Foreign relations, Dominican-Haitian policy: of Estimé, 113-16, 135, Dominique, Jean, 132, 192 143-44;of Lescot, 43-47, 69, 113; of Dorsinville, Roger: in 1946 elections, Magloire, 163-68 98; as 92, Education: Estimé's reform of, 112; authentique, 109, 224 (n. 26); nolé as FigEstimé supported by, 111; on Fignolé's minister of, 99, 112; Fignolé speeches, 100; during on need for reform of, 64; under Magloire Magloire, regime, 160; on revolution of 1946, 157; Marxism in, 72-74; Drew, Gerald, 177, 183 MOP work on, 123, 127; and resistance Drought, 46, 116 to occupation, 7-8 Dulles, Allen, 180 Efron, Edith, 107 Dunham, Katherine, 59, 110 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 154, 180 Dupuy, Jean, 142 Elections, legislative: of 1941, 53, 54; of Duval, Amilcar, 41 1944, 54; of 1946, 81, 82, 89-98; of Duvalier, François "Papa Doc" 1950, 140- 45, 149; of 1955, 167; sus- (president, pension of, 54 1957-71), 184; in 1946 elections, 94 - Elections, 95, 97-98; in 1957 elections, presidential: of 1930, 9; of 85; on Catholic church, 149, 171 - 1936, 13, 21 1- 22, 201 (n. , 89-98; of Duvalier, François "Papa Doc" 1950, 140- 45, 149; of 1955, 167; sus- (president, pension of, 54 1957-71), 184; in 1946 elections, 94 - Elections, 95, 97-98; in 1957 elections, presidential: of 1930, 9; of 85; on Catholic church, 149, 171 - 1936, 13, 21 1- 22, 201 (n. 38); of 117; in Chan1941, tiers, 66; conflict leading to 37,40-42, 68, 110 - 11;of 1946, 72, regime of, 89-98, 104, 231-32 (n. 158); of1950, Index 265 --- Page 281 --- 150-52, 157-58; of 1952, 140; of 1957, 150, 168 - 84 style of, 110- - 11; legacy of, 107, 110; on Elite: color politics and, 4- -7; in Lescot's presidency, 41, 111; during economy, Magloire's 13; educational access and, 8; end of regime, 159- -61; Marxism rule by, 72, 105, 108- -9; during under, 127- 36; national debt under, Estimé's presidency, 113-15; nationalist myth 117-21; Fignolé's 110, 224- 25 regarding, critique of, 64 -65; and Griots, 25-28; (n. 31); popularity of, interest in folklore, 58-59. 103-4, 112, 136; reactions to election (n. 104); and Lescot's 213-14 of, 97-98; reasons for failure of, 147presidency, 41, 48; reforms 42; Magloire's relations with, by, 112; resignation of, 152-53; as milat, 4, 198 (n. 6); during 147; scholarly assessments of, 110; section, 7-8; radicals' occupaond term sought by, 140-45; and tourVincent impact on, 191; on ism, 106- -8, 143-44 dictatorship, 37- - 38; during Estimé, World War II, 47. See also Milat elite Lucienne Hertelou, 161 El Saieh, Issa, 223 (n. 11) Ethiopia, 26 Embassy, French, 79 Ethnological schools, 52 Étincelles Embassy, U.S.: on 1946 elections, (Depestre), 74 90; on European 1957 elections, 174, 178, 183, 185; on political systems, 25 -27 Duvalier regime, 187; on Magloire Export-Import Bank, 44, 46, 113 regime, 170, 172; on Parti CommuExposition, Bicentennial (1949- - 50), 107, niste Haitien, 85; in revolution of 141,143-44 1946, 77, 78 Equilibrium: Famille, La, 123 through black power, 105-6; FBI, 87 Magloire on, 152, 167 FDU. 27 Duvalier regime, 187; on Magloire Export-Import Bank, 44, 46, 113 regime, 170, 172; on Parti CommuExposition, Bicentennial (1949- - 50), 107, niste Haitien, 85; in revolution of 141,143-44 1946, 77, 78 Equilibrium: Famille, La, 123 through black power, 105-6; FBI, 87 Magloire on, 152, 167 FDU. See Front Estimé, Dumarsais (president, 1946-50), Démocratique Unifié 11,97-148, 111, 189-90; in Fédération des Travailleurs Haïtien tions, 1941 elec- (FTH), 126, 110-11; 1946 election of, 72, Fédération 132-33 90-92, 97-98, 219 (n. 84); anticomHaîtien des Travailleurs munism of, 129-31, 141; armed forces (FHT), 133 under, 136-38; Fennell, Thomas A., 44 - 46 background of, 110; on Fethière, banana industry, 115-16; and black Antonio, 22 consciousness, 104 -8; black intellecFHT. See Fédération Haitien des tuals in administration of, 108-9;as Travailleurs break from elite rule, Fieherer, Thomas, 32 72, 105, 108; Fignolé, career of, 110 - 11; coalition cabinet of, Carmen, 123 98-101; color politics of, 6-7, Fignolé, Daniel, 64, 125; in 1946 elections, corruption under, 116-17, 111, 135; 89-91, 93-98; in 1950 elections, 141, coup plots 147-48; 142, 157-58; in 1955 against, 100, 136-47; death elections, 167; in of, 160, 161; Duvalier as successor 1957 elections, 173-79; Aristide com161, 184; economic to, pared to, 193; background of, policy of, 113-16, 63; 135, 143-44;in coup against, death - exile, 159 60; fall of, Duvalier's 181-83; of, 192; 140-48, 149 - 50; Fignolé's opposition split with, 127, 228 (n. 104); to, 121- 27, 228-29 (n. 105); inaugural as education minister, 99, 112; Estimé speech of, 111- 12; labor movement opposed by, 121 -27, 228 -29 (n. 105); under, 112- -13, 124 27; leadership in Estimé's coalition cabinet, 99 101, 121, 122; in exile, 181, 187; in Front 266 Index --- Page 282 --- Révolutionnaire Haîtien, 85-86, 88; Magloire, influence and popularity of, 63, 65, 86, 152, 154 55, 160; under Vin122, 190, 215 (n. opposed by, 121 -27, 228 -29 (n. 105); under, 112- -13, 124 27; leadership in Estimé's coalition cabinet, 99 101, 121, 122; in exile, 181, 187; in Front 266 Index --- Page 282 --- Révolutionnaire Haîtien, 85-86, 88; Magloire, influence and popularity of, 63, 65, 86, 152, 154 55, 160; under Vin122, 190, 215 (n. 125); in labor movecent, 13-14, 29 ment, 63, 65-66, 88, Fouché, Luc, 151 (n. 100); legacy of, 125-27, 228 Fourcand, Noé, 109-10, 114 190, 193; Magloire France: criticized by, 157, 158-5 59, 167; Haitianstudents in, 127, 156; Magloire supported by, 151 52, négritude movement in, 57; political 58; on Marxism, 65, 122; in MOP, 157system of, 25 - 27; surrealism in, 75; 95, 121-23; noirisme of, 93trade with, 165; in World War 63-66, 189; in François, 11,73-74 Parti Populaire Nationale, 83, 88 -89; French Saturnin, 19 protests clergy, 47-5 50, 117-18 against removal of, 181- - 82; as French culture, 8, provisional president, 179 -81; return French 24-27 to Haiti, 192; U.S. influence on, 189 resistance, 73-74 Fignolé, J. N., 63 FRH. See Front Révolutionnaire Haîtien Fignolé, Job, 63 From Dessalines to Duvalier (Nicholls),5 Films, U.S., 48, 164 Front Démocratique, 141 Five Year Plan: of 1945, 46-47; of Front Démocratique Unifié (FDU), 80 1951, Front Révolutionnaire Haîtien (FRH), Flag: Haitian, 10, 10, 187, 194; MOP, 85-86, 88 123- FTH. See 24, 125; U.S., 10, 10 Fédération des Travailleurs Flambeau, 83, 104 Haitien Foi Sociale, 179, 182 Foisset, Père, 117 Gabriel, Mesmin, 63 Folklore, Haitian: in dance, elite Gaillard, Roger, 127, 156 59; inter- Garde d'Haiti: est in, 58-59, 213- 14 (n. 104); Bazile as head of, 103; congovernflict ment support for, 106-7; Roumain's in, 67-68; corruption in, 66-67; study of, 52; shift in attitudes coup plots in, 67-68, 96; under toward, Estimé, 136-38; under Lescot, 42, 50, Folsom, Robert S., 70 51-52, 66 - 69; Marxism and, 15; and Fombrun, Charles, 90, 142 massacre of 1937, 32, 34- 35, 40; polFombrun, Marcel, 142 iticization of, 40; in revolution of Forbes commission, 9 1946, 77-80; size of, 66; socialism in, Foreign policy, U.S.: anticommunism 67, 7:strengthening of, in 1930S, 13; in, under Vincent, 154-5 55; Big Stick policy, 28; cold war 14, 34 - 36; in World in, 104, 130, 155; Good War II, 43. ; polFombrun, Marcel, 142 iticization of, 40; in revolution of Forbes commission, 9 1946, 77-80; size of, 66; socialism in, Foreign policy, U.S.: anticommunism 67, 7:strengthening of, in 1930S, 13; in, under Vincent, 154-5 55; Big Stick policy, 28; cold war 14, 34 - 36; in World in, 104, 130, 155; Good War II, 43. See also Military rule Neighbor PolGardes côtes, 66 icy, 28-29, 33, 37; and Magloire Genocide, regime, 154- -55; See Massacre of 1937 nonintervention, 28- Glaneur, 29; and Vincent regime, 28, Le, 91 -92 Foreign relations, 36-37 Gômez, Fernando, 68 Dominican-Haitian: Good under Estimé, 138-3 39; under Lescot, Neighbor Policy, 28 -29, 33, 37 Gouverneurs 68 - 69; under Magloire, de la Rosée (Roumain), 55, of 152; massacre Grande Parti National 1937 in, 29-33 Démocratique, 158 Foreign relations, U.S.-Haitian: Great Britain, 128 Estimé, under Greene, Anne, 108 113-15, 130-31, 145; under Griots, Lescot, 44, 69, 208 -9 (n. 23); under 23-28; on African heritage, 2427, 37; authentiques influenced by, 109; Index 267 --- Page 283 --- in Chantiers, 66; dissolution of, 28, 58; Holly, Arthur, 24 on French culture, 24-27; Marxism Honorat, Lamartinière, 104 rejected by, 26-27; on milat elite, 25Hoover, Herbert, 9, 28 27; and négritude movement, 56-57; Hudicourt, Max, 18; in 1946 elections, 89, noirisme of, 25-28; origins of, 23-24; 90, 91-92; accused of coup plot, 18; in constitutional debates, 97; death on race, 24-25 96, Estimé Griots, Les, 24, 28, 104- - 5, 161 of, 133-34; opposed by, 91-92; criticism Guatemala, 155, 179 in exile, 36, 51, 55; Fignolé's Lescot Guichard, Paulette, 120 of, 100; legacy of, 23; during Guillén, Nicolâs, 51, 53 regime, 51 - 56; on Lescot's election, 42; on Marxism, 17-19; on national Haiti, borders of, 29 - 30, 34, 203-4 debt, 113; in Parti Socialiste Populaire, (n. 83) 86; on race, 39; return to Haiti, 51, 86; Haitian American Sugar Company socialism of, 53, 86; trial and impris- (HASCO), 18, 88 onment of, 18-19; against Vincent dicHaitian Labor Union, 33 tatorship, 36 Haitian People, The (Leyburn),5 Hughes, Langston, 21, 57 Haitian Revolutionary Committee, 169 Hull, Cordell, 36, 37,54 Haitian revolution of 1791-1804, 25 Hurricane Hazel (1954), 165-66 Haitian revolution of 1946, 11, 71-83, 189; Hurston, Zora Neale, 57 CEM in, 80-83; Duvalier on, 184; effects of, 71-72; fragmentation of, 2; Identity, national, 4, 59 Lescot's response to, 79 -81; Marxists Imperialism. ell, 36, 37,54 Haitian revolution of 1791-1804, 25 Hurricane Hazel (1954), 165-66 Haitian revolution of 1946, 11, 71-83, 189; Hurston, Zora Neale, 57 CEM in, 80-83; Duvalier on, 184; effects of, 71-72; fragmentation of, 2; Identity, national, 4, 59 Lescot's response to, 79 -81; Marxists Imperialism. See Anticolonialism; in, 72-83; political parties after, 83Occupation of Haiti by U.S. 89; spread of, 80; start of, 76-80; as Import Substitution Industrialization turning point, 2; U.S. response to, 82 (ISI), 165 Haiti Démocratique, 158-59 Income tax, 118 Haiti Faces Tomorrow's Peace (Hudicourt), Independence: anniversaries of, 1, 14, 167; Second Independence, 1, 26 Harlem Renaissance, 8 Indigénisme, 57, 106-7 HASCO. See Haitian American Sugar Institut d'Ethnolgie, 52 Company Institut Français, 73 Hazel, Hurricane (1954), 165-66 Institut Mopique, 123 Hector, Michel, 84, 129, 228 (n. 100) Intellectual Haitian-Dominican Congress, Heinl, Nancy, 88, 110 Heinl, Robert, 88, 110 Intellectuals, Caribbean, 57-58 Henriquez, Alphonse, 119, 129 - 30, 141, Intellectuals, Haitian: in Estimé administration, 108 - 9; as Griots, 23 -28; dur145, 151, 158 Herskovits, Melville, 48, 55 ing Lescot regime, 58- 61; as ruling Hertelou, Lucienne, 92 elite, 108- - 9; surrealism influencing, 75 Heure d'Art Haitien, L' (performance), 58- Intellectuals, U.S., 21, 55, 57. , 141, Intellectuals, Haitian: in Estimé administration, 108 - 9; as Griots, 23 -28; dur145, 151, 158 Herskovits, Melville, 48, 55 ing Lescot regime, 58- 61; as ruling Hertelou, Lucienne, 92 elite, 108- - 9; surrealism influencing, 75 Heure d'Art Haitien, L' (performance), 58- Intellectuals, U.S., 21, 55, 57. See also Black Americans Hevea trees, 44, 45 Inter-American Congress on Demography, Hispaniola: borders of, 29-30, 34, 203-4 First, 55 (n. 83) Inter-American Peace Commission, 139 268 Index --- Page 284 --- International Institute of Afro-American Kompa-dirèk music, 152 Studies, 55 Korean War, 154 Interviews, 3 Korne kabrit, 43-44 ISI. See Import Substitution Kote moun-yo" (song), 106, 223 (n. 11) Industrialization Italy, 26 Labor, Ministry of, 112, 126, 127 Labor movement: in 1946 elections, 94;in Jacob, Kléber Georges, 63, 104 1957 elections, 174; development of, Jamaica: anticolonialism in, 194; Estimé 61, 192; establishment of, 2; under in, in, 159- - 60; tourism in, 164 Estimé, 112-13, 124 27; Fignolé James, C. L. R., 57-58 63, 65-66, 88, 125-27; legalization of, January revolt of 1946. See Haitian revolu88; under Lescot, 61-66; under tion of 1946 Magloire, 159; noirisme in, 61-66; Janvier, Louis Joseph, 25, 63 Parti Communiste Haitien in, 61, 62, Jazz, 59 -6 60 88; Parti Socialiste Populaire in, 132- - Jazz des Jeunes, 60, 61, 106, 223 (n. 11) 33; political parties of, 94; union Jazz Saieh, 106, 223 (n. 11) membership in, 124-25; under VinJean-Baptiste, Nemours, 152 cent, 61; during World War II, 61-66. Jean-Claude, Martha, 59 See also Workers Jeannot, Yves, 92 Lacroix, Abel, 42 Jeanty, Luc, 106 Lacroix, Franck, 141 Jeanty, Occide, 60 Lafontant, Marc, 51 Jérémie, 45 Lam, Wilfredo, 75 Jeunesse Progressiste de Port-au-Prince Lamy, Amilcar, 63 (JPP), 132, 156 Land acquisition: for rubber cultivation, Jewish refugees, 43 441 - 46 Johnson, James Weldon, 36 Lanoix, Franck, 120, 151 Jolibois fils, Joseph, 21, 22, 33, 61, 201 Laraque, Ernest, 119 (n. 39) Laraque, Gustave, 153 Joly, Ulrick, 159 Laraque, Henri, 89, 91 Joseph, Albert, 132 Laraque, Paul, 67,75 Josué, Millien, 133 Lavaud, Franck, 80, 81, 90, 111, 137, 146JPP. See) Jeunesse Progressiste de Port-au47 Prince Legendre, Franck, 22 Jumelle, Clément: in 1957 elections, 171, Léger, Georges, 30, 32, 83 173, 176, 179, 181, 185; death of, 187; Léger, Love, 66, 109, 146 in Estimé administration, 112; in Legislature: 1935 dissolution of, 21, 33; Magloire administration, 157 1946 constitutional debates in, 96 -97; Junta. See Military rule 1946 dissolution of, 81; anticommuJuste Constant, Felix Dorléans, 84 -85, 89, nism in, 129 - 30; conflict between 92-93, 128 milat elite and authentiques in, 119; Justicier, Le, 119 and Estimé's reelection, 140-45. See also Chamber of Deputies; Elections, Kansonfèrisme (iron pants), 154, 162 legislative; Senate, Haitian Kébreau, Antonio, 178, 181, 182, 185, 187 Le Gouâze, Monsignor, 50 Index 269 89, nism in, 129 - 30; conflict between 92-93, 128 milat elite and authentiques in, 119; Justicier, Le, 119 and Estimé's reelection, 140-45. See also Chamber of Deputies; Elections, Kansonfèrisme (iron pants), 154, 162 legislative; Senate, Haitian Kébreau, Antonio, 178, 181, 182, 185, 187 Le Gouâze, Monsignor, 50 Index 269 --- Page 285 --- Leonard, Roger, 134-35 Le Roy, Felix Morisseau, Ligue de Défense des Libertés Publiques, Lescot, Élie 158-59 (president, 1941 45), 11, 39 - Ligue de la 70, 188; 1941 election of, 40-42, 68; Jeunesse Patriote Haitienne, 9 anticommunism of, 17; and antiLigue Feminin d'Action Sociale, 200 superstition (n. 21) campaign, 47-50, 69; Lind, career of, 40 - 41; and Catholic church, Omar, 17, 18 49- -50; color divisions under, Listin Diario, 31, 49 39 -40, Literacy 42; consolidation of power by, 42; programs, 123 Literature: coup plots against, 67-68; economic censorship of, 156; nationalist, policy of, 43- 47, 69, 113; education 8-9 under, 73; end of regime, Locke, Alain, 55 80-81; Estimé 40, 70, 71, Logan, Rayford, 57, 82, 96, on, 41, 111; extension 114, 193, 213 oft term, 54-55: as foreign minister, (n. 97) 40-41; Garde under, 14, Lycée Pétion, 52, 63, 78, 110 42, 50, 51- 52, Lydia Bailey 66-69; as ideal successor to Vincent, (film), 164 38, 41; as interior minister, 17, 40; and Mabille, labor movement, 61-66; Marxism Pierre, 73-74,7 77,79, 82 under, 51-56,7 72-83; and Magloire, Félix, 61 massacre of Magloire, Franck, 1937, 33; reaction to revolution, 7976 81; rubber project of, Magloire, Jean, 49 of revolution 43-46, 45; start Magloire, Paul Eugène (president, against, 76- -80; Trujillo's 56), 1950relations with, 40, 41, 68 -69; U.S. 77,79, 82 under, 51-56,7 72-83; and Magloire, Félix, 61 massacre of Magloire, Franck, 1937, 33; reaction to revolution, 7976 81; rubber project of, Magloire, Jean, 49 of revolution 43-46, 45; start Magloire, Paul Eugène (president, against, 76- -80; Trujillo's 56), 1950relations with, 40, 41, 68 -69; U.S. 11-12, 111, 149-72, 154; in 1946 relations with, 44, 69, 208-9 (n. 23); elections, 90, 96, 219 (n. 84), 231-32 World War II involvement (n. 158); in 1950 elections, of, 43 150- 52; Lescot, Gérard, 42 anticommunism of, 152, 154 - 55; in Lescot, Roger, 42 banana industry, 116; in CEM, 81; conLespès, Anthony: in 1950 elections, solidation of military rule by, 150-53; economic plan of, 135; in Estimé's 142; economic decline under, 163- 68; elite coalition cabinet, 99; Lescot's relations with, 152- 53; and Estimé's with, 56; Magloire's meeting reelection, 142, 144, 145; Estimé repression and, sup155; Marxism of, 19, 86-87; in Parti ported by, 111; in exile, 187; fall of, Socialiste Populaire, 86-87.134 169-72; family of, 153, 161; governing Levelt, Antoine, 80, 81, style of, 154, 161 - 62; opposition 90, 111, 137, 146repressed 47, 172, 220 (n. 88) by, 153-63; political aspiraLewis, Gordon, 4 tions of, 90, 151, 231 - 32 (n. 158); popLeyburn, James, 4-5 ularity of, 137-38, 170; resignation of, Liberalism: noirisme against, 172; in revolution of 1946, 81; rise of, Liberal Party, 4, 83 26-27 67, 153; scholarly assessments of, 161 Life 62; start of magazine, 143 presidency, 149, 152-5 53;as Light-skinned Haitians: terms for, threat to Estimé, 137-38, 145-47, 222 (n. 6). See also Milat (n. 135); U.S. relations with, 152, 154Ligue 55, 160 Anti-Imperialiste, 19 Ligue d'Action Social et Magloire St. Aude, Clément, 24,75 Démocratique, Manifeste de la Réaction Mao Démocratique, 13 Zedong, 122 270 Index --- Page 286 --- Marcelin, Phito, 19 Marchand, Lucien, 78 Middle-class blacks: as authentiques, 109; Margron, Gaston, in conflict with milat elite, 117-21; Marines, U.S. See Occupation of Haiti educational access of, 7; education of, U.S. by 112; emergence of, 5; on Fignolé's Martelly, Gérard, 85 presidency, 180; Griots on, 23; in labor Martial law: after 1946 elections, movement, 62; in Magloire's presiduring 91, 96; dency, 152; noirisme 1957 elections, 178; under Vinamong, 40, 106cent, 17 7; during occupation, 188; role of, 5 Marxism, 14 -23; in 1946 elections, Milat: use and meaning of term, 198 91; in 1957 elections, 89- (n. presidency, 180; Griots on, 23; in labor Martial law: after 1946 elections, movement, 62; in Magloire's presiduring 91, 96; dency, 152; noirisme 1957 elections, 178; under Vinamong, 40, 106cent, 17 7; during occupation, 188; role of, 5 Marxism, 14 -23; in 1946 elections, Milat: use and meaning of term, 198 91; in 1957 elections, 89- (n. 6) 174-75; as anar- Milat elite: versus chy, 17; under Duvalier, 187; under authentiques, 117-: 21; Estimé, 127-36; Fignolé on, 65, 122; black power challenging, 105, 109; end fragmentation of, of rule by, 72, 105, 108- -9; during 51-52, 53, 72; Estimé's Griots' rejection of, 26-27; growth of presidency, 117-21; Fignolé's movement, 15, 19, 72, 74; and Hudicriticism of, 121 - -22; Griots on, 25 -27; court, on noirisme, 27; 17-19; influence in 1930S, 23; in political parties of, 83; international assessment of, 128; politics of color, 4 under Lescot, 51-56, 72-83; Military rule, 149- -85; in 1957 elections, Magloire's repression of, 168- 84; consolidation of, 150-53; 155-57, 162; and massacre of economic decline during, 1937, 34; and 163-68; nationalism, 17; political parties of, repression of opposition in, 153-63. 83-88; repeal of legislation See also Magloire, Paul Eugène against, Minimum 99; in revolution of 1946, 72 -83; of wage laws, 113, 166 Roumain, 15-22; and socialism, Miss Haiti beauty pageant, 120 86- - 87; surrealism and, 52, Montasse, Gérald, 75, 129 fears of, 15, 18, 85, 75-76; U.S. Montecristi, 31 154; under Vincent, Mooers, 14-23; during World War II, 40, 51Horatio, 122 56. See also specific political MOP.See Mouvement Ouvrier Paysan Massacre of parties Mouvement, Le, 41 1937, 29- 33, 34, 204 (n. 90); Mouvement legacy of, 37, 40; protests after, 33-35, Organisation du Pays, 179 188, 205 (n. 107) Mouvement Ouvrier Paysan (MOP): in Massacre of 1957, 182 1950 elections, 141; anticommunism Matin, Le, 41, 76, 100, 154 of, 122; establishment of, 93-94; Mayer, Frederick, 34, 37 Estimé opposed by, 121 - 27; evolution McCarthyism.. See of, 122- -23; flag of, 123-24, 125; Anticommunism, U.S. mentation fragMedia. See Press coverage of, 104, 127, 158; literacy Medical university: during program of, 123; under Magloire regime, 157; Marxism at, Magloire regime, 155, 157-5 58; noirisme of, 124; revolution, 72-74;in reform of, 179; 77-78 repression of, 126-27, Memory, national, 155; revival of, 141 Menard, Max, 194-95 Mulâtre: use of term, 198 71, 75, 78, 85 (n. , 158; literacy Medical university: during program of, 123; under Magloire regime, 157; Marxism at, Magloire regime, 155, 157-5 58; noirisme of, 124; revolution, 72-74;in reform of, 179; 77-78 repression of, 126-27, Memory, national, 155; revival of, 141 Menard, Max, 194-95 Mulâtre: use of term, 198 71, 75, 78, 85 (n. 6) Merceron, A. N., 53, 54 Mulatto: use of term, 198 (n. 6) Mercier, Roger, 85, 129 Musée Panthéon, 194 Mexico, 53, 55 Music, 59-61; black consciousness in, 106-8; during Magloire's presidency, Index 271 --- Page 287 --- 152; rasin movement in, 193; vodou, authentiques, 109; authoritarianism in, 60, 106-8, 152, 223 (n. 11) 140; versus Catholic church, 117; corMussolini, Benito, 26 ruption and, 116- - 17; critics of, 27; divisions within, 104, 121, 136; under NAACP, 36, 108, 180, 193 Estimé, 104-8; of Fignolé, 63-66, "Natif Natal" (song), 60, 103 189; in Front Révolutionnaire Haîtien, Nation, La, 53-55; on 1946 elections, 91; 86; of Griots, 25-28; in labor moveclosure of, 55, 56, 68, 142; on coups, ment, 61-66; Lescot's use of, 42-43; 67-68; establishment of, 53-54:durduring Magloire regime, 161, 162, 170; ing Estimé regime, 131, 132; and of MOP, 124; Parti Communiste HaitFédération des Travailleurs Haïtien, ien on, 87; Parti Socialiste Populaire 132; and Hudicourt's death, 134:influon, 87, 134-35; political incorporaence of, 54; and Parti Socialiste Popution of, 104; political parties of, 83, laire, 86, 131 86; racism in, 27; rise of, 2; spread of, Nation, The, 182 to non-elite, 40, 106-7; U.S. influence National Archives, 112 on, 189; during World War II, 40, 56National Bank, 114, 179 National identity, 4, 59 Non-elite blacks: educational access of, 7; Nationalism: cultural, 8-9, 108; in music, noirisme among, 40, 106-7. See also 60; opportunity for change through, 2 Middle-class blacks Nationalist movement: fragmentation of, Nonintervention policy, U.S., 28-29 in 1930S, 14-15; and Marxism, 17; Norweb, R. Henry, 31 origins in occupation, 7- - 10, 188; Rou- Noticias de Hoy, 51 main's critique of, 19-20 Notre Jeunesse, 123 Nationalization: of banana industry, 115Nouvelle Ronde, La, 8 16; of black power, 104 -8 Nouvelle Ruche, La, 85 National Labor Bureau, 132-33 Nouvelliste, Le, 41, 50, 53, 119, 154 National Medical School,73-74.77-78, NSC. , 7- - 10, 188; Rou- Noticias de Hoy, 51 main's critique of, 19-20 Notre Jeunesse, 123 Nationalization: of banana industry, 115Nouvelle Ronde, La, 8 16; of black power, 104 -8 Nouvelle Ruche, La, 85 National Labor Bureau, 132-33 Nouvelliste, Le, 41, 50, 53, 119, 154 National Medical School,73-74.77-78, NSC. See National Security Council, U.S. Numa, Edgar Néré, 89, 92, 97, 98, 142 National Party, 4 National Security Council, U.S. (NSC), OAS. See Organization of American States Occupation of Dominican Republic by National unity: Magloire's rhetoric of, Haiti (1822 42), 29 Occupation of Haiti by U.S. (1915-34): 151-52 Nazism, 27 debt accrued during, 113-15; end of, Négritude movement, 56-57,75 1,9-10, 10, 13; Forbes commission Negro Worker, 22 on, 9; Marxism and, 18; origins of Nepotism, 42 nationalist movement in, 7-10, 188; New York Times, 130-31 resistance to, 1, 7-10; scholarship on, Nicholls, David, 5, 6, 23, 25, 105, 162, 210 2; start of,7 (n. 51) Orchestre Saieh, 60 Nightclubs, 152 Organization of American States (OAS), Nixon, Richard, 180 Noirisme: in 1946 elections, 91, 92-93, Ortega Frier, Julio, 30, 31 1o4:anti-liberalism of, 26-27; of Ortiz, Fernando, 55 272 Index --- Page 288 --- Padmore, George, 57 36; in Estimé's Paintings, 59 coalition cabinet, 98Palace Guard, 35, 42 101; after Hudicourt's death, 133-34; Pan-African Conference in labor movement, 88; Magloire's Pan-American of1941, 59 repression of, 155-56; Airlines, 107-8 organizational Pan-Americanism, 28, 44 experience in, 87; philosophy of, 87, Paquin, Lyonel, 119 134; on Roland's opposition, 140; U.S. Parti Communiste Haîtien concerns about, 135-36 1946 elections, (PCH): in Paul, Edmond, 4 89, 91, 92-93; on color Paulino, Anselmo, divisions, 87; establishment of, 19; PCH. under Estimé, See Parti Communiste 127- - 31; fragmentation PDPJH. See Parti Haîtien of, 51-52, 128- - 29; in Front RévoluDémocratique Populaire tionnaire Haitien, de la Jeunesse Haîtienne 85-86; Juste ConPeasants: art of, stant in, 84- -85; in labor movement, 59; in banana industry, 61, 62, 88; leadership 115-16; Griots on incorporation of, changes in, 127rubber 25; 28; against Lescot regime, 51- 52; on project's impact on, 45- -46 massacre of 1937, Peguerro, H., 18 34; versus other Pennet, Max, 78 communist groups, 84, 85; program of, Péralte, 19-21, 84, 200 (n. 85; in labor movement, 59; in banana industry, 61, 62, 88; leadership 115-16; Griots on incorporation of, changes in, 127rubber 25; 28; against Lescot regime, 51- 52; on project's impact on, 45- -46 massacre of 1937, Peguerro, H., 18 34; versus other Pennet, Max, 78 communist groups, 84, 85; program of, Péralte, 19-21, 84, 200 (n. 31); revival after Charlemagne, 7, 10 revolution of 1946, 83-88; Peters, Carl Edward, 50 influence Roumain's Peters, DeWitt, 59 on, 22, 51-52, 56, 84; Petit, Georges, against Vincent 9, 19, 21, 22, 52,95-96, Parti Communiste dictatorship, 36 131, 134 Manchousite, 88 Petit Parti Démocratique Populaire de la Impartial, Le, 9, 15, 24 Jeunesse Haitienne Peuple, Le, 62 Parti d'Entente (PDPJH), 85, 86, 95 Phalange, La, 49 Populaire, 187 Partido Socialista Popular (PSP): Cuban, Pierre-Louis, Bignon, 89, 97 87, 218 (n. 60) Pierre-Louis, Joseph Nemours, 173, 175 Partie Révolutionnaire Haitienne, Pierre-Louis, Rossini, 129, 134, 142, 151, Parti Libéral Socialiste, 83 155, 158-59 Parti Ouvrier Progressiste Haîtien Pierre-Paul, Antoine, 33 (POPH), 129, 131 Pittsburgh Courier, 82, 104, 114 Parti Populaire de Libération Plummer, Brenda Gayle, 163-64 Nationale Poetry, 74 (PPLN), 156, 157, 174-75 Police Parti Populaire forces: corruption in, 67; in revoluParti Démocratique, 36 tion of 1946, Populaire Nationale (PPN), 83, 85, 77; secret police under 88-89, 90 Magloire, 154 Parti Populaire Social Chrétien Political conflict: color consciousness in, 83, 141, 142 (PPSC), 6; origins of, 1-2 Parti Socialiste Haîtien Political culture: radicals' transformation Parti (PSH), 88, 90, 92 of, 3, Socialiste Populaire (PSP), 86- - 88; Political 191-92 in 1946 elections, 89, 98; in 1950 elecparties: conservative, 83; under tions, 141, 142; on color divisions, Magloire, 170; rise of, 2, 83-89.See 87, also 134 - 35; dissolution of, 142; establishspecific parties Political ment of, 86 87; under Estimé, systems: African versus Euro131pean, 25-27 Index 273 --- Page 289 --- Politics: impact of radical movements 3, 190-94; incorporation of noirisme on, Prosper, Marcaisse, 137, 145, 147, 167 in, 104 Protestant groups, U.S., 48-49 POPH. See Parti Ouvrier Protests: after 1946 elections, 91; against Progressiste Duvalier Haîtien regime, 192; in Estimé Port-au-Prince: Bicentennial regime, 131, 145-46, 230 (n. Politics: impact of radical movements 3, 190-94; incorporation of noirisme on, Prosper, Marcaisse, 137, 145, 147, 167 in, 104 Protestant groups, U.S., 48-49 POPH. See Parti Ouvrier Protests: after 1946 elections, 91; against Progressiste Duvalier Haîtien regime, 192; in Estimé Port-au-Prince: Bicentennial regime, 131, 145-46, 230 (n. 127); in, 107; Cator as mayor of, Exposition 81-82; against Fignolé's removal, 181-82; against Magloire demographic shift in, 61 - 62, 166; after regime, 169 -70; Griots in, 23-24; massacre of 1957 in, massacre of 1937, 33-35, 188, 205 182; resistance to (n. 107); in revolution of 1946, occupation in, 7-8; against 76-79; in revolution of 1946, 78; tourism in, Vincent dictatorship, 36. See 107-8; workers in, 61 62, also Strikes Provisional Port-au-Prince Times, 155 government of 1957, 173-76, 179-81 Postoccupation era (1934-57): gaps in PSH. See Parti Socialiste scholarship on, 1 - 3; promise of, 2 PSP. See Haîtien PPLN, See Parti Populaire de Libération Partido Socialista Popular; Parti Nationale Socialiste Populaire PPN, See Parti Populaire Nationale Public works, 112 PPSC. See Parti Populaire Social Puerto Rican Agricultural Company, 46 Chrétien Presidents: black, 41, 105 -6, 207 (n. 3); Race: provisional, 173, 175-76, 179-81. See versus color, 4; Griots on, 24-25; in also Elections, presidential; national identity, 4; politicians' celepresidents specific bration of, 43 Press coverage: of 1946 elections, Racism: of Estimé, 110; in noirisme, 27 ofa fanti-superstition. 89-90; Radical movements, 188- -95; allegiances Bicentennial campaign, 49; of among, 3, 6, 189; anticommunism's Exposition, 143; censoreffects ship of, 156, 182; of coup plots, 67-6 68; on, 3-4, 189; changes within, of Lescot's election, 3; coalition of, after revolution of 41; Magloire's 1946, 85-86; repression of, 154; of Marxists, 18, 22; emergence of, 3, 7; fragof massacre of 1937, of mentation of, 6, 121, 188. -90; 31-33; mascal ideologisacre of 1957, 182; on national debt, foundations of, 191; impact of, 3, 113-14; after revolution of 1946, 190 - 94; lack of scholarship on, 1, 2; revolution of 83;of origins of, during 1946, 77, 78, 82. See also occupation, 7-10; specific publications political culture transformed by, 3; Pressoir, Raymond, 75, 76 rivalries among, 3. 31-33; mascal ideologisacre of 1957, 182; on national debt, foundations of, 191; impact of, 3, 113-14; after revolution of 1946, 190 - 94; lack of scholarship on, 1, 2; revolution of 83;of origins of, during 1946, 77, 78, 82. See also occupation, 7-10; specific publications political culture transformed by, 3; Pressoir, Raymond, 75, 76 rivalries among, 3. See also specific Price-Mars, Jean: and coup against Lescot, Radio: groups 67; cultural nationalism of, 8-9; in Duvalier's addresses on, 176, 177; Estimé's coalition cabinet, expansion of, 60 -61; Fignolé's 99; and Figaddresses nolé, 63; and Griots, 23, 24, 27; during on, 99 - 100; Magloire's use Lescot of, 152; opposition to regime, 52; on Lescot's presiafter Estimé on, 139; dency, 41; on national debt, revolution of 1946, 83; in revolu113; on tion of noirisme, 27; on vodou, 8, 48, 58 1946, 79, 81 Problème des classes à travers l'histoire Ramponeau, Georges, 108 d'Haiti, Le (Duvalier and Ramsey, Kate, 48 Denis), 66, Randolph, Virgil, III, 187 Rasin movement, 193 274 Index --- Page 290 --- Réaction Démocratique, La (RD),17-18, de la Rosée, 19, 34, 36 55, 74; Griots and, 27; Red Cross, 53 legacy of, 23, 74, 190; during Lescot Refugees, 43 regime, 51- 56; Marxist critique of Regards, 34 society by, 19- 20; on massacre of Reinbold and Company, 47 1937, 34 - 35; nationalism of, 8, 9; on Religion: peasant, 8; Protestant, nationalist movement, 19-20; presiSee also Catholic church 48-49. dential pardon of, 22; return to Haiti, Rémy, 51; in La Revue Jean, 109, 119 - 21 Indigène, 8, 9; surRémy, Tristan, 16 veillance of, 51; trials and imprisonRépublique, La, 104, 119, 145 ment of, 18-19, 20 -22; on vodou, 58; Resistance: patterns of, in Caribbean, writings of, 52, 211 (n. 69) to U.S. occupation, 1,7-10; 194; Roumain, Michel, 36, 51, 56, 135, 158 World War II, during Roumain, Nicole, 79-80 40,74 Roumer, Réveil, Le, 22, 55, 63, 65 Andrée, 132 Revolution. See Haitian revolution of Roumer, Emile, 56 Revue Indigène, La, 8-9 1946 Rouzier, Gontran, 77, 118 Rex Theater, 58-5 59, 76, 77 Rubber cultivation, 43-47.45 Rubber Reynaud, F. Burr, 83 Development Corporation, 46 Reynolds Mining Corporation, Ruche, La, 71,75-76, 80, 81, 85 Rigaud, Rural areas: Georges, 53; in 1946 elections, 89, in, anti-superstition campaign 92; in 1957 elections, 174; economic 48-49; Estimé's development projplan of, 135; in Estimé's coalition cabiects in, 112; police corruption in, 67; Protestantism net, 99 - 100, 222 (n. Reynolds Mining Corporation, Ruche, La, 71,75-76, 80, 81, 85 Rigaud, Rural areas: Georges, 53; in 1946 elections, 89, in, anti-superstition campaign 92; in 1957 elections, 174; economic 48-49; Estimé's development projplan of, 135; in Estimé's coalition cabiects in, 112; police corruption in, 67; Protestantism net, 99 - 100, 222 (n. 135); Fignolé's in, 49 criticism of, 99 - 100; and Hudicourt's Sadors, death, 134; under Kébreau, Jean (pseudonym), 65-66 183; on St. Armand, national debt, 113; in Parti Socialiste Edris, 74; in 1946 elections, Populaire, 134; in revolution of 89, 91; Estimé opposed by, 129; in 1946, Fédération des Travailleurs Haitien, Road building, 165 132; in labor movement, 132, 133; in Rodman, Selden, 59 Parti Communiste Haîtien, 83 -85, Rodriguez Lora, Sebastiân, 128; in Parti Socialiste Populaire, St. Lôt, Emile: Roland, Astrel, 138- 40, 142 in 1946 elections, 93; in Roosevelt, Franklin D.: and 1957 elections, 179; L'Amicale club of, foreign Fignolé, 63; 58, 83; as authentique, policy of, 28 -29; on massacre tional 109; in constituof 1937, 32-33; and Vincent dictatordebates, 96, 97; Estimé opposed ship, 36; in World War II, 43 by, 144, 147; Estimé supported by, 111; Rosemond, Henri, in Front Révolutionnaire Haîtien, 85; Rotberg, in labor Robert, 110 ministry, 112, 126; on MarxRoumain, Jacques, 15-22, 18; accused of ists, 99 coup plots, 17, 20-21, 51, 199 (n. 7); Sajous, Marcellus, 19 on anti-superstition Salgado, Pierre, 157 background of, 15-16; campaign, beliefs 50; Salomon, Lysius, 7, 26, 58, 88 of, 15Salomon, 16, 18-19; and CPUSA, 16, 17; death René, 58, 88, 89, 90 of, 55-56; in exile, 22, Sam, Justin, 53, 86-87 51; Gouverneurs Sam, Max D., 131; in 1946 elections, 89, Index 275 --- Page 291 --- 91, 92; background of, 53; in Estimé's administration, 99, 100, regime, 46, 47; and Magloire 135; on 160, 172; regime, Estimé's color politics, 135; Lescot's opposition to Estimé and, meeting with, 56; Magloire's 139; on rubber cultivation, 46; and sion and, 155; in Parti Socialiste represVincent dictatorship, 36-37 laire, 86-87; in revolution Popu- Sterlin, Fernand, 132, 133 Sam, T. , 100, regime, 46, 47; and Magloire 135; on 160, 172; regime, Estimé's color politics, 135; Lescot's opposition to Estimé and, meeting with, 56; Magloire's 139; on rubber cultivation, 46; and sion and, 155; in Parti Socialiste represVincent dictatorship, 36-37 laire, 86-87; in revolution Popu- Sterlin, Fernand, 132, 133 Sam, T. A. Simon, of 1946, 77 Strauss, Lévi, 75 Strikes: SCISP. See Service Coopératif Interand 1950 elections, 141; during Américain de la Santé Publique 1957 elections, 175-76; under Estimé, Séide, Marc, 109, 160 125-27, 228 (n. 100); legalization of, Séjour, André, 104 88; under Magloire, 157, 159, 167, Selassie, Haile, 26 169-70; during occupation, 9, 14, 15, Senate, 76; after - Haitian, 21 22, 36 revolution of 1946, 88; in revSeparation of powers, 21-22 olution of 1946, 76-79. See also Service Coopératif Inter-Américain de la Protests Santé Publique Students: under Magloire, (SCISP), 161 156-57, 169SHADA. See Société 70; in revolution of 1946, 76-79 Hatiano-Américaine de Développement Agricole Suffrage: universal male, 151; women's, Silvani, Monsignor, 49 Social class. See Class, social Sugarworkers, 30 Socialism: and communism, Suicide: of Hudicourt, 133-34 52, 86-87; in Estimé's coalition cabinet, Superstition: Catholic campaign against, 98-100; in Garde, 67, 77; during Lescot 47-50, 69 regime, Supreme 52, 53; and noirisme, 87, 88; political Court, 172, 173 parties of, 86 -87; in revolution of Surrealism, 75-76, 77 1946, 77; U.S. Surveillance: of Parti Socialiste pressure on, 189. See 87; of Populaire, also specific political parties Roumain, 51; of students, 78 Société Sylvain, Franck, 176, 177 Hatiano-Américaine de DévelSyndicats d'Ouvriers oppement Agricole et Travailleurs (SHADA), 44- 47, (SOT), 124-26 45, 50, 93 Society: functions of color in, 5-6; under Tardieu, Lescot, 58; Marxist critique of, 19Edouard, 83 20, Tax, income, 118 Soir, Le,49 Teacher education, 112 SOT, See Syndicats Théâtre du Verdure, 107 d'Ouvriers et Thezan, Travailleurs Emmanuel, 224 (n. 25) Soulouque, Faustin Thezan, S., 33 Soviet Union: cold (emperor), 29,40 Time magazine, 167 war with, 104, 130, Ti-Roro, 106 155; and Parti Communiste Haitien, 128. See also Tittmann, Harold, 115 Anticommunism, HaitTonton ian; Anticommunism, U.S. Makout, 187 Standard Fruit and Steamship Totalitarianism, 162 Company, Tourism: 29, 115-16 development of, 59, 107 - 8; State Department, U.S.: in 1957 elections, Estimé's promotion of, 106-8, 143183; on economic aid, 115; and Lescot 44; under Magloire, 163-64 Tourism, Department of, 107 276 Index Anticommunism, HaitTonton ian; Anticommunism, U.S. Makout, 187 Standard Fruit and Steamship Totalitarianism, 162 Company, Tourism: 29, 115-16 development of, 59, 107 - 8; State Department, U.S.: in 1957 elections, Estimé's promotion of, 106-8, 143183; on economic aid, 115; and Lescot 44; under Magloire, 163-64 Tourism, Department of, 107 276 Index --- Page 292 --- Trade: with France, 165; with U.S., 13, 29 Tricinquantenaire (1954), Vigie, 22 Trinidad, Vincent, Sténio Joseph (president, 1934 -- Trois D, Les, 23-24 41), 10-11, 13-38, 14, 188; 1930 elecTrouillot, Michel-Rolph, 5-6, 69, tion of, 9; 1936 election of, 13, 21 -22, Trujillo Molina, Rafael 162, 172 201 (n. 38); anticommunism of, 16in Leonidas, 29-33; 17, 20 -23; 1957 elections, 183; Calixte's relacoup plots against, 20-21, tionship with, 96; Lescot's alliance 33, 35-36; dictatorship established by, with, 40, 41; Lescot's conflict with, 36-37; in end of U.S. occupation, 1, 68 - 69; Magloire's 9-10; Griots and, 23-28; and labor relationship with, 152; in massacre of movement, 61; leadership style of, 1937, 29 - 33; and 14; Lescot 13opposition to Estimé, 139, 142 under, 17, 33, 40; Marxism U.S. nonintervention in rise of, 43; under, 14 -23; and massacre of 1937, 29; in World War II,43 29- 33, 37; resignation of, 37; on secTruman, Harry, 145 ond independence, 1, 26; superstition Turits, Richard, 204 (n. 90) laws of, 48; U.S. relations with, 13-14, Union Démocratique Haïtien, Violence: in 1957 elections, 169, 177-78, Union des Indépendants, 182; Duvalier's use of, 185, 187; 141, 142 Unions. See Labor movement Magloire's use of, 153, 169-70 United Fruit, 47, 115-16 Vocational schools, 8, 13 United States: in 1946 elections, in Vodou: Catholic campaign against, 4793; 50; defenders 1957 elections, 174, 177, 178, 183-84, of, 8, 25, 28, 58; elite 185; Duvalier's education in, 28; interest in, 214 (n. 104); Estimé govnomic control by, 29, 113 ecoernment's support for, 106- -7, in -14; on Fig117; nolé's Magloire's presidency, 179 - 80; Fignolé's presidency, 152; in music, understanding of, 122; Hudicourt's 60, 106 -8, 152, 223 (n. 11); noirisme exile in, 55; on Kébreau on, 27; shifts in attitudes toward, 58Lescot's junta, 182; on 59, 152; stereotypes of, in election, 41 - 42; on massacre Voltes, U.S., 48 of 1937, 30-33; recognition of Georges, 91 by, 82, 180, 182; vodou regimes Von Eschen, Penny, 193 48;in World War II, stereotypes in, Vulcain, Francis, 155 43. 55; on Kébreau on, 27; shifts in attitudes toward, 58Lescot's junta, 182; on 59, 152; stereotypes of, in election, 41 - 42; on massacre Voltes, U.S., 48 of 1937, 30-33; recognition of Georges, 91 by, 82, 180, 182; vodou regimes Von Eschen, Penny, 193 48;in World War II, stereotypes in, Vulcain, Francis, 155 43. See also Anticommunism, U.S.; Foreign policy, U.S.; Foreign relations, U.S.-Haitian; Washington Afro-American, 82 Occupation of Haiti by U.S. Weltfish, Regina, 55 University of Haiti, 72 West, Jack, 82 - 83, 122, 136 University of White, J. C.,. 41, 207 -8 Michigan, 28 (n. 6) White, Walter, 36, 57, 108, 150, 180, 193, Vabre, Victor, 133 234 (n.1) Viau, Alfred: in 1957 elections, death White Haitians: Jewish refugees and, 43; of son 173; in Lescot's of, 119- - 20; Estimé opposed by, administration, 42 Widmaier, Ricardo, 60 138-39, 142 Viau, Gérard, 119-2 21 Williams, R. P., 15 Victor, René, 132 Wilson, Orme, 80, 98 Vieux, Antonio, 51, 160 Woolley, Stephen, 137 Women's League, 171 Index 277 --- Page 293 --- Women's movement: in 1957 elections, ness in, 40, 56-61; cooperation with 171, 238 (n. 91); origins of, 200 (n. 21); U.S. in, 43 44; economic policy durin revolution of 1946,7 79-80 ing, 43-47; French resistance in, 73Women's Union, 171 74; Haitian entry into, 43; labor moveWorkers: in 1946 elections, 91, 94; in 1957 ment in, 61 - 66; Marxism in, 40, 51 - elections, 174, 175; and Dominican56; noirisme in, 40, 56 -61; refuHaitian relations, 30; under Estimé, gees from, 43; rubber cultivation in, 112-13; Estimé supported by, 103; in 43-46 Front Révolutionnaire Haîtien, 85; Woulo konmpresè (steamroller), 86, 89, population of, 62, 62; in Port-au96, 99 100, 178 Prince, 61-62, 113; in radical political Writers: Griot, 24-28; Marxist, 15-16, parties, 85-86; in revolution of 1946, 74-75; nationalist, 8-9; négritude, 57. 78, 80. See also Labor movement See also specific publications and writers World War II, 39 -70; anti-superstition campaign in, 47 50; black consciousZamor, Saint-Juste, 19 278 Index